Queen Liliuokalani vs. U.S. President or the Mouse and the Elephant (see http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GTuS1ISYEak ) - A Review of the Facts - by Amelia Gora (2010)
Nominated for President on the eighth ballot at the 1888 Republican Convention, Benjamin Harrison conducted one of the first "front-porch" campaigns, delivering short speeches to delegations that
visited him in Indianapolis. As he was only 5 feet, 6 inches tall,
Democrats called him "Little Ben"; Republicans replied that he was big
enough to wear the hat of his grandfather, "Old Tippecanoe."
Born in 1833 on a farm by the Ohio River below Cincinnati, Harrison attended Miami University in Ohio and read law in Cincinnati. He moved to Indianapolis, where he practiced law and campaigned for the
Republican Party. He married Caroline Lavinia Scott in 1853. After the
Civil War--he was Colonel of the 70th Volunteer Infantry--Harrison
became a pillar of Indianapolis, enhancing his reputation as a brilliant
lawyer.
The Democrats defeated him for Governor of Indiana in 1876 by unfairly stigmatizing him as "Kid Gloves" Harrison. In the 1880's he served in the United States Senate, where he championed Indians.
homesteaders, and Civil War veterans.
In the Presidential election, Harrison received 100,000 fewer popular votes than Cleveland, but carried the Electoral College 233 to 168. Although Harrison had made no political bargains, his supporters had
given innumerable pledges upon his behalf.
When Boss Matt Quay of Pennsylvania heard that Harrison ascribed his narrow victory to Providence, Quay exclaimed that Harrison would never know "how close a number of men were compelled to approach... the
penitentiary to make him President."
Harrison was proud of the vigorous foreign policy which he helped shape. The first Pan American Congress met in Washington in 1889, establishing an information center which later became the Pan American
Union. At the end of his administration Harrison submitted to the Senate
a treaty to annex Hawaii; to his disappointment, President Cleveland
later withdrew it.
Substantial appropriation bills were signed by Harrison for internal improvements, naval expansion, and subsidies for steamship lines. For the first time except in war, Congress appropriated a billion dollars.
When critics attacked "the billion-dollar Congress," Speaker Thomas B.
Reed replied, "This is a billion-dollar country." President Harrison
also signed the Sherman Anti-Trust Act "to protect trade and commerce
against unlawful restraints and monopolies," the first Federal act
attempting to regulate trusts.
The most perplexing domestic problem Harrison faced was the tariff issue. The high tariff rates in effect had created a surplus of money in the Treasury. Low-tariff advocates argued that the surplus was hurting
business. Republican leaders in Congress successfully met the challenge.
Representative William McKinley and Senator Nelson W. Aldrich framed a
still higher tariff bill; some rates were intentionally prohibitive.
Harrison tried to make the tariff more acceptable by writing in reciprocity provisions. To cope with the Treasury surplus, the tariff was removed from imported raw sugar; sugar growers within the United
States were given two cents a pound bounty on their production.
Long before the end of the Harrison Administration, the Treasury surplus had evaporated, and prosperity seemed about to disappear as well. Congressional elections in 1890 went stingingly against the
Republicans, and party leaders decided to abandon President Harrison
although he had cooperated with Congress on party legislation.
Nevertheless, his party renominated him in 1892, but he was defeated by
Cleveland.
After he left office, Harrison returned to Indianapolis, and married the widowed Mrs. Mary Dimmick in 1896. A dignified elder statesman, he died in 1901.
1893 - http://libweb.hawaii.edu/digicoll/annexation/protest/liliu3.html
The First Democrat elected after the Civil War, Grover Cleveland was the only President to leave the White House and return for a second term four years later.
One of nine children of a Presbyterian minister, Cleveland was born in New Jersey in 1837. He was raised in upstate New York. As a lawyer in Buffalo, he became notable for his single-minded concentration upon
whatever task faced him.
At 44, he emerged into a political prominence that carried him to the White House in three years. Running as a reformer, he was elected Mayor of Buffalo in 1881, and later, Governor of New York.
Cleveland won the Presidency with the combined support of Democrats and reform Republicans, the "Mugwumps," who disliked the record of his opponent James G. Blaine of Maine.
A bachelor, Cleveland was ill at ease at first with all the comforts of the White House. "I must go to dinner," he wrote a friend, "but I wish it was to eat a pickled herring a Swiss cheese and a chop at Louis'
instead of the French stuff I shall find." In June 1886 Cleveland
married 21-year-old Frances Folsom; he was the only President married in
the White House.
Cleveland vigorously pursued a policy barring special favors to any economic group. Vetoing a bill to appropriate $10,000 to distribute seed grain among drought-stricken farmers in Texas, he wrote: "Federal aid
in such cases encourages the expectation of paternal care on the part of
the Government and weakens the sturdiness of our national character. . .
. "
He also vetoed many private pension bills to Civil War veterans whose claims were fraudulent. When Congress, pressured by the Grand Army of the Republic, passed a bill granting pensions for disabilities not
caused by military service, Cleveland vetoed it, too.
He angered the railroads by ordering an investigation of western lands they held by Government grant. He forced them to return 81,000,000 acres. He also signed the Interstate Commerce Act, the first law
attempting Federal regulation of the railroads.
In December 1887 he called on Congress to reduce high protective tariffs. Told that he had given Republicans an effective issue for the campaign of 1888, he retorted, "What is the use of being elected or
re-elected unless you stand for something?" But Cleveland was defeated
in 1888; although he won a larger popular majority than the Republican
candidate Benjamin Harrison, he received fewer electoral votes.
Elected again in 1892, Cleveland faced an acute depression. He dealt directly with the Treasury crisis rather than with business failures, farm mortgage foreclosures, and unemployment. He obtained repeal of the
mildly inflationary Sherman Silver Purchase Act and, with the aid of
Wall Street, maintained the Treasury's gold reserve.
When railroad strikers in Chicago violated an injunction, Cleveland sent Federal troops to enforce it. "If it takes the entire army and navy of the United States to deliver a post card in Chicago," he thundered,
"that card will be delivered."
Cleveland's blunt treatment of the railroad strikers stirred the pride of many Americans. So did the vigorous way in which he forced Great Britain to accept arbitration of a disputed boundary in Venezuela.
But his policies during the depression were generally unpopular. His
party deserted him and nominated William Jennings Bryan in 1896.
After leaving the White House, Cleveland lived in retirement in Princeton, New Jersey. He died in 1908.
Learn more about Grover Cleveland's spouse, Frances
Folsom Cleveland
1895-1896 U.S. President Cleveland was on record for giving Hawaii
back to Queen Liliuokalani.
http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf?res=FB0C14F73E5E12738"http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FB0C14F73E5E12738DDD"
SAYS GOVERNMENT SUPPORTS TRUSTS; Mr.
Hitchcock Condemns System of
Army and Navy Contracts. ARMOR PLATE AS EXAMPLE Beef Trust,
Shipbuilding Trust, and Railroads Cited -- Bates Calls Cleveland a
Receptive Candidate.
Note: This article will open in PDF format. Get Adobe Acrobat Reader or Learn More
http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf?res=9406E5D6153AE733A25752C2A9649C946597D6CF
1897 - http://libweb.hawaii.edu/digicoll/annexation/protest/liliu5.html
Source = U.S. Presidential files(?)
Scanned phtocopies of microfilmed original (English) and newspaper report (Hawaiian)
I, Liliuokalani of Hawaii, by the Will of God named heir-apparent on the tenth day of April, A.D. 1877, and by the grace of God Queen of the Hawaiian Islands on the seventeenth day of January,
A.D. 1893, do hereby protest against the ratification of a certain
treaty, which, so I am informed, has been signed at Washington by
Messrs, Hatch, Thurston, and Kinney, purporting to cede those Islands to
the territory and dominion of the United States. I declare such a
treaty to be an act of -wrong toward the native and part-native people
of Hawaii, an invasion of the rights of the ruling chiefs, in violation
of international rights both toward my people and toward friendly
nations with whom they have made treaties, the perpetuation of the fraud
whereby the constitutional government was overthrown, and, finally, an
act of gross injustice to me.
BECAUSE the official protests made by me on the seventeenth day of January, 1893, to the so-called Provisional Government was signed by me, and received by said government with the assurance that the case was
referred to the United States of America for arbitration.
BECAUSE that protest and my communications to the United States
Government immediately thereafter expressly declare that I yielded my
authority to the forces of the United States in order to avoid
bloodshed, and because I recognized the futility of a conflict with so
formidable a power.
BECAUSE the President of the United States, the Secretary of State, and an envoy commissioned by them reported in official documents that my government was unlawfully coerced by the forces, diplomatic and naval,
of the United States; that I was at the date of their investigations the
constitutional ruler of my people.
BECAUSE neither the above-named commission nor the government which
sends it has ever received any such authority from the registered voters
of Hawaii, but derives its assumed powers from the so-called committee
of public safety, organized on or about the seventeenth-day of January,
1893, said committee being composed largely of persons claiming American
citizenship, and not one single Hawaiian was a member thereof, or in
any way participated in the demonstration leading to its existence.
BECAUSE my people, about forty thousand in number, have in no way been consulted by those, three thousand in number, who claim the right to destroy the independence of Hawaii. My people constitute four-fifths
of the legally qualified voters of Hawaii, and excluding those imported
for the demands of labor, about the same proportion of the inhabitants.
BECAUSE said treaty ignores, not only the civic rights of my people, but, further, the hereditary property of their chiefs. Of the 4,000,000 acres composing the territory said treaty offers to annex, 1,000,000 or
915,000 acres has in no way been heretofore recognized as other than
the private property of the constitutional monarch, subject to a control
in now way differing from other items of a private estate.
BECAUSE it is proposed by said treaty to confiscate said property, technically called the crown lands, those legally entitled thereto, either now or in succession, receiving no consideration whatever for
estates, their title to which has been always undisputed, and which is
legitimately in my name at this date.
BECAUSE said treaty ignores, not only all professions of perpetual amity and good faith made by the United States in former treaties with the sovereigns representing the Hawaiian people, but all treaties made
by those sovereigns with other and friendly powers, and it is thereby in
violation of international law.
BECAUSE, by treating with the parties claiming at this time the right to cede said territory of Hawaii, the Government of the United States receives such territory from the hands of those whom its own magistrates
(legally elected by the people of the United States, and in office in
1893) pronounced fraudulently in power and unconstitutionally ruling
Hawaii.
Therefore I, Liliuokalani of Hawaii, do hereby call upon the President of that nation, to whom alone I yielded my property and my authority, to withdraw said treaty (ceding said Islands) from further
consideration. I ask the honorable Senate of the United States to
decline to ratify said treaty, and I implore the people of this great
and good nation, from whom my ancestors learned the Christian religion,
to sustain their representatives in such acts of justice and equity as
may be in accord with the principles of their fathers, and to the
Almighty Ruler of the universe, to him who judgeth righteously, I commit
my cause.
Done at Washington, District of Columbia, United States of America, this seventeenth day of June, in the year eighteen hundred and ninety-seven.
U.S. President
Cleveland was on
record for giving Hawaii
back to Queen Liliuokalani.
Note: This article will open in PDF format. Get Adobe Acrobat Reader or Learn More
http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf?res=9406E5D6153AE733A25752C2A9649C946597D6CF
Pua"">
Benjamin Harrison
Nominated for President on the eighth ballot at the 1888 Republican Convention, Benjamin Harrison conducted one of the first "front-porch" campaigns, delivering short speeches to delegations that
visited him in Indianapolis. As he was only 5 feet, 6 inches tall,
Democrats called him "Little Ben"; Republicans replied that he was big
enough to wear the hat of his grandfather, "Old Tippecanoe."
Born in 1833 on a farm by the Ohio River below Cincinnati, Harrison attended Miami University in Ohio and read law in Cincinnati. He moved to Indianapolis, where he practiced law and campaigned for the
Republican Party. He married Caroline Lavinia Scott in 1853. After the
Civil War--he was Colonel of the 70th Volunteer Infantry--Harrison
became a pillar of Indianapolis, enhancing his reputation as a brilliant
lawyer.
The Democrats defeated him for Governor of Indiana in 1876 by unfairly stigmatizing him as "Kid Gloves" Harrison. In the 1880's he served in the United States Senate, where he championed Indians.
homesteaders, and Civil War veterans.
In the Presidential election, Harrison received 100,000 fewer popular votes than Cleveland, but carried the Electoral College 233 to 168. Although Harrison had made no political bargains, his supporters had
given innumerable pledges upon his behalf.
When Boss Matt Quay of Pennsylvania heard that Harrison ascribed his narrow victory to Providence, Quay exclaimed that Harrison would never know "how close a number of men were compelled to approach... the
penitentiary to make him President."
Harrison was proud of the vigorous foreign policy which he helped shape. The first Pan American Congress met in Washington in 1889, establishing an information center which later became the Pan American
Union. At the end of his administration Harrison submitted to the Senate
a treaty to annex Hawaii; to his disappointment, President Cleveland
later withdrew it.
Substantial appropriation bills were signed by Harrison for internal improvements, naval expansion, and subsidies for steamship lines. For the first time except in war, Congress appropriated a billion dollars.
When critics attacked "the billion-dollar Congress," Speaker Thomas B.
Reed replied, "This is a billion-dollar country." President Harrison
also signed the Sherman Anti-Trust Act "to protect trade and commerce
against unlawful restraints and monopolies," the first Federal act
attempting to regulate trusts.
The most perplexing domestic problem Harrison faced was the tariff issue. The high tariff rates in effect had created a surplus of money in the Treasury. Low-tariff advocates argued that the surplus was hurting
business. Republican leaders in Congress successfully met the challenge.
Representative William McKinley and Senator Nelson W. Aldrich framed a
still higher tariff bill; some rates were intentionally prohibitive.
Harrison tried to make the tariff more acceptable by writing in reciprocity provisions. To cope with the Treasury surplus, the tariff was removed from imported raw sugar; sugar growers within the United
States were given two cents a pound bounty on their production.
Long before the end of the Harrison Administration, the Treasury surplus had evaporated, and prosperity seemed about to disappear as well. Congressional elections in 1890 went stingingly against the
Republicans, and party leaders decided to abandon President Harrison
although he had cooperated with Congress on party legislation.
Nevertheless, his party renominated him in 1892, but he was defeated by
Cleveland.
After he left office, Harrison returned to Indianapolis, and married the widowed Mrs. Mary Dimmick in 1896. A dignified elder statesman, he died in 1901.
Learn more about Benjamin Harrison 's spouse, Caroline Lavinia Scott Harrison.
1893 - http://libweb.hawaii.edu/digicoll/annexation/protest/liliu3.html
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Liliuokalani, 1893 to Benjamin Harrison
from Blount Report
Ex-Queen Liliuokalani to the President. (Received February 3, 1893.) |
His Excellency BENJAMIN HARRISON, President of the United States: MY GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND: It is with deep regret that I address you on this occasion. Some of my subjects, aided by aliens, have renounced their loyalty and revolted against the constitutional government of my Kingdom. They have attempted to depose me and to establish a provisional government, in direct conflict with the organic law of this Kingdom. Upon receiving incontestable proof that his excellency the minister plenipotentiary of the United States, aided and abetted their unlawful movements and caused United States troops to be landed for that purpose, I submitted to force, believing that he would not have acted in that manner unless by the authority of the Government which he represents. This action on my part was prompted by three reasons: The futility of a conflict with the United States; the desire to avoid violence, bloodshed, and the destruction of life and property, and the certainty which I feel that you and your Government will right whatever wrongs may have been inflicted upon us in the premises. In due time a statement of the true facts relating this matter will be laid before you, and I live in the hope that you will judge uprightly and justly between myself and my enemies. This appeal is not made for myself personally, but for my people who have hitherto always enjoyed the friendship and protection of the United States. My opponents have taken the only vessel which could be obtained here for the purpose, and hearing of their intention to send a delegation of their number to present their side of this conflict before you, I requested the favor of sending by the same vessel an envoy to you, to lay before you my statement, as the facts appear to myself and my loyal subjects. This request has been refused and I now ask you that in justice to myself and to my people that no steps be taken by the Government of the United States until my cause can be heard by you. I shall be able to dispatch an envoy about the 2d day of February as that will be the first available opportunity hence, and he will reach you with every possible haste that there may be no delay in the settlement of this matter. I pray you, therefore, my good friend, that you will not allow any conclusions to be reached by you until my envoy arrives. I beg to assure you of the continuance of my highest consideration. |
LILIUOKALANI, R. HONOLULU, January 18,1893. |
Grover Cleveland
The First Democrat elected after the Civil War, Grover Cleveland was the only President to leave the White House and return for a second term four years later.
One of nine children of a Presbyterian minister, Cleveland was born in New Jersey in 1837. He was raised in upstate New York. As a lawyer in Buffalo, he became notable for his single-minded concentration upon
whatever task faced him.
At 44, he emerged into a political prominence that carried him to the White House in three years. Running as a reformer, he was elected Mayor of Buffalo in 1881, and later, Governor of New York.
Cleveland won the Presidency with the combined support of Democrats and reform Republicans, the "Mugwumps," who disliked the record of his opponent James G. Blaine of Maine.
A bachelor, Cleveland was ill at ease at first with all the comforts of the White House. "I must go to dinner," he wrote a friend, "but I wish it was to eat a pickled herring a Swiss cheese and a chop at Louis'
instead of the French stuff I shall find." In June 1886 Cleveland
married 21-year-old Frances Folsom; he was the only President married in
the White House.
Cleveland vigorously pursued a policy barring special favors to any economic group. Vetoing a bill to appropriate $10,000 to distribute seed grain among drought-stricken farmers in Texas, he wrote: "Federal aid
in such cases encourages the expectation of paternal care on the part of
the Government and weakens the sturdiness of our national character. . .
. "
He also vetoed many private pension bills to Civil War veterans whose claims were fraudulent. When Congress, pressured by the Grand Army of the Republic, passed a bill granting pensions for disabilities not
caused by military service, Cleveland vetoed it, too.
He angered the railroads by ordering an investigation of western lands they held by Government grant. He forced them to return 81,000,000 acres. He also signed the Interstate Commerce Act, the first law
attempting Federal regulation of the railroads.
In December 1887 he called on Congress to reduce high protective tariffs. Told that he had given Republicans an effective issue for the campaign of 1888, he retorted, "What is the use of being elected or
re-elected unless you stand for something?" But Cleveland was defeated
in 1888; although he won a larger popular majority than the Republican
candidate Benjamin Harrison, he received fewer electoral votes.
Elected again in 1892, Cleveland faced an acute depression. He dealt directly with the Treasury crisis rather than with business failures, farm mortgage foreclosures, and unemployment. He obtained repeal of the
mildly inflationary Sherman Silver Purchase Act and, with the aid of
Wall Street, maintained the Treasury's gold reserve.
When railroad strikers in Chicago violated an injunction, Cleveland sent Federal troops to enforce it. "If it takes the entire army and navy of the United States to deliver a post card in Chicago," he thundered,
"that card will be delivered."
Cleveland's blunt treatment of the railroad strikers stirred the pride of many Americans. So did the vigorous way in which he forced Great Britain to accept arbitration of a disputed boundary in Venezuela.
But his policies during the depression were generally unpopular. His
party deserted him and nominated William Jennings Bryan in 1896.
After leaving the White House, Cleveland lived in retirement in Princeton, New Jersey. He died in 1908.
Learn more about Grover Cleveland's spouse, Frances
Folsom Cleveland
1894-1895: BLOUNT REPORT http://libweb.hawaii.edu/digicoll/annexation/blount.html
Pertains to the Americans in the Kingdom of Hawaii:
See letter February 17, 1893 from President Harrison to Congress:
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Blount Report: Affairs in Hawaii
Senate Ex. Doc. No. 77, Fifty-second Congress, second session. MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, TRANSMITTING Correspondence respecting relations between the United States and the Hawaiian Islands from September, 1820, to January, 1893. FEBRUARY 17, 1893. - Read, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and ordered to be printed. To the Senate: I transmit herewith a letter from the Secretary of State of the 15th instant, covering a report with accompanying correspondence respect- ing relations between the United States and the Hawaiian Islands from September, 1820, to January, 1893. BENJ. HARRISON. EXECUTIVE MANSION, Washington, February 16, 1893. The PRESIDENT : In further relation to the subject, and as being of interest in con- junction with the papers submitting the treaty concluded and signed at Washington on the 14th of February, instant, and sent to the Senate with a message on the 15th instant, the undersigned, Secre- tary of State, has the honor to submit the accompanying report by Andrew H. Allen, chief of the Bureau of Rolls and Library of this De- partment, upon the relations between the United States and the Ha- waiian Islands from 1820 to 1893, supplemented by an appendix and copies of considerable correspondence involved in the narrative. This report shows that from an early day the policy of the United States has been consistently and constantly declared against any for- eign aggression in the Kingdom of Hawaii inimical to the necessarily paramount rights and interests of the American people there, and the uniform contemplation of their annexation as a contingent necessity. But beyond that it is shown that annexation has been on more than one occasion avowed as a policy and attempted as a fact. Such a solu- tion was admitted as early as 1850 by so far-sighted a statesman as Lord Palmerston when he recommended to a visiting Hawaiian com- mission the contingency of a protectorate under the United States or 5
back to Queen Liliuokalani.
http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf?res=FB0C14F73E5E12738"http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FB0C14F73E5E12738DDD"
SAYS GOVERNMENT SUPPORTS TRUSTS; Mr.
Hitchcock Condemns System of
Army and Navy Contracts. ARMOR PLATE AS EXAMPLE Beef Trust,
Shipbuilding Trust, and Railroads Cited -- Bates Calls Cleveland a
Receptive Candidate.
[ DISPLAYING ABSTRACT ]
WASHINGTON, Feb. 20. -- That the Federal Government, which is supposed to be after the trusts, is making large contracts with them and
paying them the people's money, was charged by Representative
Hitchcock (Dem., Neb.) in the course of a vigorous criticism of the
army and navy expenditures in the House to-day.
WASHINGTON, Feb. 20. -- That the Federal Government, which is supposed to be after the trusts, is making large contracts with them and
paying them the people's money, was charged by Representative
Hitchcock (Dem., Neb.) in the course of a vigorous criticism of the
army and navy expenditures in the House to-day.
Note: This article will open in PDF format. Get Adobe Acrobat Reader or Learn Morehttp://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf?res=9406E5D6153AE733A25752C2A9649C946597D6CF
1897 - http://libweb.hawaii.edu/digicoll/annexation/protest/liliu5.html
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Anti-annexation Protest Documents - Liliuokalani to William McKinley (U.S. President), June 17, 1897
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Source = U.S. Presidential files(?)
Scanned phtocopies of microfilmed original (English) and newspaper report (Hawaiian)
I, Liliuokalani of Hawaii, by the Will of God named heir-apparent on the tenth day of April, A.D. 1877, and by the grace of God Queen of the Hawaiian Islands on the seventeenth day of January,
A.D. 1893, do hereby protest against the ratification of a certain
treaty, which, so I am informed, has been signed at Washington by
Messrs, Hatch, Thurston, and Kinney, purporting to cede those Islands to
the territory and dominion of the United States. I declare such a
treaty to be an act of -wrong toward the native and part-native people
of Hawaii, an invasion of the rights of the ruling chiefs, in violation
of international rights both toward my people and toward friendly
nations with whom they have made treaties, the perpetuation of the fraud
whereby the constitutional government was overthrown, and, finally, an
act of gross injustice to me.
BECAUSE the official protests made by me on the seventeenth day of January, 1893, to the so-called Provisional Government was signed by me, and received by said government with the assurance that the case was
referred to the United States of America for arbitration.
BECAUSE that protest and my communications to the United States
Government immediately thereafter expressly declare that I yielded my
authority to the forces of the United States in order to avoid
bloodshed, and because I recognized the futility of a conflict with so
formidable a power.
BECAUSE the President of the United States, the Secretary of State, and an envoy commissioned by them reported in official documents that my government was unlawfully coerced by the forces, diplomatic and naval,
of the United States; that I was at the date of their investigations the
constitutional ruler of my people.
BECAUSE neither the above-named commission nor the government which
sends it has ever received any such authority from the registered voters
of Hawaii, but derives its assumed powers from the so-called committee
of public safety, organized on or about the seventeenth-day of January,
1893, said committee being composed largely of persons claiming American
citizenship, and not one single Hawaiian was a member thereof, or in
any way participated in the demonstration leading to its existence.
BECAUSE my people, about forty thousand in number, have in no way been consulted by those, three thousand in number, who claim the right to destroy the independence of Hawaii. My people constitute four-fifths
of the legally qualified voters of Hawaii, and excluding those imported
for the demands of labor, about the same proportion of the inhabitants.
BECAUSE said treaty ignores, not only the civic rights of my people, but, further, the hereditary property of their chiefs. Of the 4,000,000 acres composing the territory said treaty offers to annex, 1,000,000 or
915,000 acres has in no way been heretofore recognized as other than
the private property of the constitutional monarch, subject to a control
in now way differing from other items of a private estate.
BECAUSE it is proposed by said treaty to confiscate said property, technically called the crown lands, those legally entitled thereto, either now or in succession, receiving no consideration whatever for
estates, their title to which has been always undisputed, and which is
legitimately in my name at this date.
BECAUSE said treaty ignores, not only all professions of perpetual amity and good faith made by the United States in former treaties with the sovereigns representing the Hawaiian people, but all treaties made
by those sovereigns with other and friendly powers, and it is thereby in
violation of international law.
BECAUSE, by treating with the parties claiming at this time the right to cede said territory of Hawaii, the Government of the United States receives such territory from the hands of those whom its own magistrates
(legally elected by the people of the United States, and in office in
1893) pronounced fraudulently in power and unconstitutionally ruling
Hawaii.
Therefore I, Liliuokalani of Hawaii, do hereby call upon the President of that nation, to whom alone I yielded my property and my authority, to withdraw said treaty (ceding said Islands) from further
consideration. I ask the honorable Senate of the United States to
decline to ratify said treaty, and I implore the people of this great
and good nation, from whom my ancestors learned the Christian religion,
to sustain their representatives in such acts of justice and equity as
may be in accord with the principles of their fathers, and to the
Almighty Ruler of the universe, to him who judgeth righteously, I commit
my cause.
Done at Washington, District of Columbia, United States of America, this seventeenth day of June, in the year eighteen hundred and ninety-seven.
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************************************************************************
SUMMARY
Queen Liliuokalani's Issues Remained with the U.S. President Alone, and not with the U.S. Congress, or the American People (in the Hawaiian Islands, etc.)
Reasons are stated in the documents/evidence
1893 - Queen Liliuokalani documented the following:
"They have attempted to depose me and to establish a provisional government, in direct conflict with the organic law of this Kingdom." attempted to depose her and contrary to the organic law moved to establish a provisional government.
"I now ask you that in justice to myself and to my people that no steps be taken by the Government of the United States until my cause can be heard by you........I pray you, therefore, my good friend, that you will
not allow any conclusions to be reached by you until my envoy arrives.
I beg to assure you of the continuance of my highest consideration."
not allow any conclusions to be reached by you until my envoy arrives.
I beg to assure you of the continuance of my highest consideration."
"I requested the favor of sending by the same vessel an envoy to you, to lay before you my statement, as the facts appear to myself and my loyal
subjects.
This request has been refused and I now ask you that in justice to
myself and to my people that no steps be taken by the Government of the
United States until my cause can be heard by you."
subjects.
This request has been refused and I now ask you that in justice to
myself and to my people that no steps be taken by the Government of the
United States until my cause can be heard by you."
Note: In Queen Liliuokalani's book HAWAII'S STORY BY HAWAII'S QUEEN http://digital.library.upenn.edu/women/liliuokalani/hawaii/hawaii.html
Queen Liliuokalani stated that she was not able to send dispatches out; therefore, she would have been unable to receive dispatches as well.
1895 -
Cleveland was on
record for giving Hawaii
back to Queen Liliuokalani.
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1897 - Queen Liliuokalani documented: "Therefore I, Liliuokalani of Hawaii, do hereby call upon the President of that nation, to whom alone I yielded my property and my authority,"
The Facts are hereby submitted that the Blount Report would be considered a diversion of the issues because Queen Liliuokalani and the U.S. President Alone were the two that everyone needed to be concerned about.
Leaders of two recognized Nations were the only two that everyone needs to focus on, the others, although important as subjects and citizens (including Congress) were not legally a part of the lawful, legal conduct between Nations. The leaders alone, disregarding treasonous persons based on documented conspiracies, piracies, fraud, deception, criminal malfeasance were issues.
Duress, stress, coercion, and usurpation remain issues affecting another Nations attempt in assuming a neutral nations lands, assets, properties, resources, people, etc.
"The futility of a conflict with the United States; the desire to avoid violence, bloodshed, and the destruction of life and property, and the certainty which I feel that you and your Government will right
whatever wrongs may have been inflicted upon us in the premises."
whatever wrongs may have been inflicted upon us in the premises."
Queen Liliuokalani documented, "They have attempted to depose me and to establish a provisional government, in direct conflict with the organic law of this Kingdom." in 1893. She did not receive the important message from President Cleveland, and maintained even four (4) years later or 1897:
" Therefore, I, Liliuokalani of Hawaii, do hereby call upon the President of that nation, to whom alone I yielded my property and my authority,"
Lastly, there's no and's, if's, or butts............the Hawaiian Kingdom exists!
aloha.
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Permalink Reply by Kaohi on - Amelia, I will get back to this posting later, but how interesting huh? "The Democrats defeated him for Governor of Indiana in 1876 by unfairly stigmatizing him as "Kid Gloves" Harrison. In the 1880's he served in the United States Senate, where he championed Indians. homesteaders, and Civil War veterans.
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- additional comments: In February 1893, Queen Liliuokalani wrote: "This appeal is not made for myself personally, but for my people who have hitherto always enjoyed the friendship and protection of the United States...........I now ask you that in justice to myself and to my people that no steps be taken by the Government of the United States until my cause can be heard by you." In January 1895, President Grover Cleveland returned Hawaii to Queen Liliuokalani. The treasonous Hawaiian subjects turned Americans intervened in the dispatches. In 1897, Queen Liliuokalani maintained that the Hawaiian Kingdom was temporarily yielded to the President alone and no one else. The Hawaiian Kingdom exists because the matters were between the leaders of the two (2) separate Nations alone. Congress, the military, the American people, the treasonous Hawaiian subjects turned Americans continue to deceive everyone in the Hawaiian Islands, the U.S., and the World today..........They are truly wicked and attempt a claimed "plebiscite" which President Harrison suggested in the past..........'to give the appearance that it was the wishes of the people'..........the issues, however, has nothing to do with the people but the leaders alone. The historical documents are and remain evidence of the truth....the Hawaiian Kingdom exists. aloha.
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- IOLANI - The Royal Hawk Vol III No. 313 Legal Notice October 27, 2010 ( posted October 29, 2010) Fwd: Hawaiian Kingdom Records No. 2010 - 01825 from Amelia Gora, one of Queen Liliuokalani's descendants/heirs and Acting Liaison of Foreign Affairs | Amelia Gora to hawaiianhistory, theiolani, show details 11:28 AM (0 minutes ago) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- From: Amelia Gora Date: Fri, Oct 29, 2010 at 11:24 AM Subject: Hawaiian Kingdom Records No. 2010 - 01825 from Amelia Gora, one of Queen Liliuokalani's descendants/heirs and Acting Liaison of Foreign Affairs To: president@whitehouse.gov, comments@whitehouse.gov, "Cc: Vietti-Cook, Annette" , moca-info@honolulu.gov, Web Japan , john.maguire@rfi.fr Hawaii State Flag Greetings President Obama and Others,, As one of the descendants/heirs of Queen Liliuokalani thru her daughters Abigail/Kapapoko/Kapooloku/Poomaikelani/Princess Poomaikelani and Kaaumoana/ Kekua/Kahakuakoi/Kahakuhaakoi/Luka/Luika, I hereby submit the following article for your records. I admit that I am one of the closest family members of Queen Liliuokalani thru bloodlines/ hanai/adoption. I admit that our families are the descendants of the blood of Abigail/Kapapoko/Kapooloku/Poomaikelani/Princess Poomaikelani who married Ioela, descendant of Kalaniopuu head of the Hawaiian Islands when Captain Cook arrived in the Hawaiian Islands. I admit that our families are the descendants of the blood of Kaaumoana/ Kekua/Kahakuakoi/Kahakuhaakoi/Luka/Luika who married Keo/Keoki/Kealohapauole who were named in the Will of Bernice Pauahi Bishop and am one of the descendants of their blood. I admit that our families thru the bloodlines of Kaaumoana/Kekua/Kahakuakoi/Kahakuhaakoi/Luka/Luika was given charge of Liliuokalani's/Kaeha/Makaeha/Kamakaeha/Queen Liliuokalani Trust in 1872, and a criminal Trust thru criminal claims by a non-blood person(s) named Lydia Mahoe/Kamakaia/Kaloio interest was given to Princes Kuhio and Kawananakoa providing that she was given monies, land, etc. Prince Kuhio with the interest of Prince Kawananakoa moved to assume all of Queen Liliuokalani's assets, and transferred their interest to the current criminal Trust since Samuel Damon, Curtis Iaukea, and William Smith till now. Note: The Princes Kuhio and Kawananakoa did criminally maintain properties belonging to Queen Kapiolani, Princess Poomaikelani's (her sister Queen Liliuokalani was her administrator) and King Kalakaua's lands. Queen Liliuokalani went on record as opposing the Princes early filing of a deed which was to be filed AFTER she died. Prince Kuhio as a "friend" did try to claim Queen Liliuokalani incompetent in the illegal court sitting on the Hawaiian Kingdom's government seat. After Queen Liliuokalani died, Prince Kuhio did take an out-of-court settlement based on Queen Liliuokalani's denial that she signed a Trust Deed with Damon, Iaukea, and Smith. Prince Kuhio moved to have Hawaii become a State, and create a fraudulent set up called the Hawaiian Homes Act. Meanwhile, the interest claimed by one Lydia Mahoe/Kamakaia/Kaloio erroneously/plans based on her rights as being a descendant of Lilia Aholo (who assisted Abigail Kuaihelani tasks with the KUE Petitions opposing Annexation coming from the people supporting Queen Liliuokalani) was illegal because Lilia Aholo and her descendants were not/are not the descendants/bloodlines of Kaaumoana/Kekua/Kahakuakoi/Kahakuhaakoi/Luka/Luika, the true Trustee of her hanai mother Liliuokalani's/Kaeha/Makaeha/Kamakaeha/Queen Liliuokalani. Interestingly, Lydia Mahoe/Kamakaia/Kaloio families appears to be the Simeona's whose family includes the Akaka's or DANIEL AKAKA, et. als.; the Kinney's including RUBELLITE JOHNSON, Richard KINNEY, et. als. As one of the descendants of Queen Liliuokalani's hanai daughters: 1) Abigail/Kapapoko/Kapooloku/Poomaikelani/Princess Poomaikelani who married Ioela, descendant of Kalaniopuu head of the Hawaiian Islands when Captain Cook arrived in the Hawaiian Islands. 2) Kaaumoana/ Kekua/Kahakuakoi/Kahakuhaakoi/Luka/Luika who married Keo/Keoki/Kealohapauole who were named in the Will of Bernice Pauahi Bishop and am one of the descendants of their blood, I hereby maintain that we are from the three (3) bloodline children and deny that Lilia Aholo, adopted child along with her descendants lines are descendants of the blood of Kaaumoana/ Kekua/Kahakuakoi/Kahakuhaakoi/Luka/Luika who married Keo/Keoki/Kealohapauole and have been problematic through their criminal claims of our tutu/great great great great grandmother Queen Liliuokalani. Furthermore, I, Amelia Gora and blood families are the true trustees of the Liliuokalani Trust/Queen Liliuokalani Trust which was created in 1872. Colburn, administrator to Queen Liliuokalani's Will failed to make corrections according to the Will of Queen Liliuokalani and instead made an agreement with Prince Kuhio saying in essence that 'I'll pat your back if you pat my back'. A Colburn descendant is currently the head of the Archives, Honolulu, Oahu, assisted by a Holt descendant who moved over from the Bishop Museum. My former father-in-law, Assistant Archivist did complain to me a number of times about how documents were being destroyed, etc. Lastly, I, Amelia Gora hereby maintain that the Hawaiian Kingdom exists, and oppose all that is being pushed by a DANIEL AKAKA thru the AKAKA Bill a non-blood relation to our ancestors Abigail/Kapapoko/Kapooloku/Poomaikelani/Princess Poomaikelani and Kaaumoana/ Kekua/Kahakuakoi/Kahakuhaakoi/Luka/Luika and admit that they are indeed problematic, criminal, and truly genocide activists documented. Our Trusts remain Trusts of the Hawaiian Kingdom which still exists, and new Trustees will be appointed less the non-bloodlines of our families including the AKAKA'S, the KINNEY'S, JOHNSON's, et. als. Sincerely, Amelia Gora article: QUEEN LILIUOKALANI'S ISSUES REMAINED WITH THE U.S. PRESIDENT ALONE - The Hawaiian Kingdom Exists! Queen Liliuokalani vs. U.S. President or the Mouse and the Elephant - A Review - by Amelia Gora (2010) Queen Liliuokalani, Sovereign leader of the Hawaiian Kingdom, was criminally dethroned in 1893 by Hawaiian subjects, treasonous persons/ turned Americans, supported by the U.S., England, and the bankers (Morgan and International bankers). The years affected are 1893 thru 1897 with the purpose of focusing on a Nations Leader, Queen Liliuokalani and another Nation's Leader - U.S. President Harrison and newly elected U.S. President Cleveland: http://www.whitehouse.gov/about/presidents/benjaminharrison Photo of Benjamin Harrison Benjamin Harrison Nominated for President on the eighth ballot at the 1888 Republican Convention, Benjamin Harrison conducted one of the first "front-porch" campaigns, delivering short speeches to delegations that visited him in Indianapolis. As he was only 5 feet, 6 inches tall, Democrats called him "Little Ben"; Republicans replied that he was big enough to wear the hat of his grandfather, "Old Tippecanoe." Born in 1833 on a farm by the Ohio River below Cincinnati, Harrison attended Miami University in Ohio and read law in Cincinnati. He moved to Indianapolis, where he practiced law and campaigned for the Republican Party. He married Caroline Lavinia Scott in 1853. After the Civil War--he was Colonel of the 70th Volunteer Infantry--Harrison became a pillar of Indianapolis, enhancing his reputation as a brilliant lawyer. The Democrats defeated him for Governor of Indiana in 1876 by unfairly stigmatizing him as "Kid Gloves" Harrison. In the 1880's he served in the United States Senate, where he championed Indians. homesteaders, and Civil War veterans. In the Presidential election, Harrison received 100,000 fewer popular votes than Cleveland, but carried the Electoral College 233 to 168. Although Harrison had made no political bargains, his supporters had given innumerable pledges upon his behalf. When Boss Matt Quay of Pennsylvania heard that Harrison ascribed his narrow victory to Providence, Quay exclaimed that Harrison would never know "how close a number of men were compelled to approach... the penitentiary to make him President." Harrison was proud of the vigorous foreign policy which he helped shape. The first Pan American Congress met in Washington in 1889, establishing an information center which later became the Pan American Union. At the end of his administration Harrison submitted to the Senate a treaty to annex Hawaii; to his disappointment, President Cleveland later withdrew it. Substantial appropriation bills were signed by Harrison for internal improvements, naval expansion, and subsidies for steamship lines. For the first time except in war, Congress appropriated a billion dollars. When critics attacked "the billion-dollar Congress," Speaker Thomas B. Reed replied, "This is a billion-dollar country." President Harrison also signed the Sherman Anti-Trust Act "to protect trade and commerce against unlawful restraints and monopolies," the first Federal act attempting to regulate trusts. The most perplexing domestic problem Harrison faced was the tariff issue. The high tariff rates in effect had created a surplus of money in the Treasury. Low-tariff advocates argued that the surplus was hurting business. Republican leaders in Congress successfully met the challenge. Representative William McKinley and Senator Nelson W. Aldrich framed a still higher tariff bill; some rates were intentionally prohibitive. Harrison tried to make the tariff more acceptable by writing in reciprocity provisions. To cope with the Treasury surplus, the tariff was removed from imported raw sugar; sugar growers within the United States were given two cents a pound bounty on their production. Long before the end of the Harrison Administration, the Treasury surplus had evaporated, and prosperity seemed about to disappear as well. Congressional elections in 1890 went stingingly against the Republicans, and party leaders decided to abandon President Harrison although he had cooperated with Congress on party legislation. Nevertheless, his party renominated him in 1892, but he was defeated by Cleveland. After he left office, Harrison returned to Indianapolis, and married the widowed Mrs. Mary Dimmick in 1896. A dignified elder statesman, he died in 1901. Learn more about Benjamin Harrison 's spouse, Caroline Lavinia Scott Harrison. 1893 - http://libweb.hawaii.edu/digicoll/annexation/protest/liliu3.html Annexation Documents | Hawaiian Collection | Library Home | Hawaii Voyager Liliuokalani, 1893 to Benjamin Harrison from Blount Report [ View PDF ] -- [ View in MS Word ] [ Batch Download Page ] [ Return to Table of Contents ] Ex-Queen Liliuokalani to the President. (Received February 3, 1893.) His Excellency BENJAMIN HARRISON, President of the United States: MY GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND: It is with deep regret that I address you on this occasion. Some of my subjects, aided by aliens, have renounced their loyalty and revolted against the constitutional government of my Kingdom. They have attempted to depose me and to establish a provisional government, in direct conflict with the organic law of this Kingdom. Upon receiving incontestable proof that his excellency the minister plenipotentiary of the United States, aided and abetted their unlawful movements and caused United States troops to be landed for that purpose, I submitted to force, believing that he would not have acted in that manner unless by the authority of the Government which he represents. This action on my part was prompted by three reasons: The futility of a conflict with the United States; the desire to avoid violence, bloodshed, and the destruction of life and property, and the certainty which I feel that you and your Government will right whatever wrongs may have been inflicted upon us in the premises. In due time a statement of the true facts relating this matter will be laid before you, and I live in the hope that you will judge uprightly and justly between myself and my enemies. This appeal is not made for myself personally, but for my people who have hitherto always enjoyed the friendship and protection of the United States. My opponents have taken the only vessel which could be obtained here for the purpose, and hearing of their intention to send a delegation of their number to present their side of this conflict before you, I requested the favor of sending by the same vessel an envoy to you, to lay before you my statement, as the facts appear to myself and my loyal subjects. This request has been refused and I now ask you that in justice to myself and to my people that no steps be taken by the Government of the United States until my cause can be heard by you. I shall be able to dispatch an envoy about the 2d day of February as that will be the first available opportunity hence, and he will reach you with every possible haste that there may be no delay in the settlement of this matter. I pray you, therefore, my good friend, that you will not allow any conclusions to be reached by you until my envoy arrives. I beg to assure you of the continuance of my highest consideration. LILIUOKALANI, R. HONOLULU, January 18,1893. http://www.whitehouse.gov/about/presidents/grovercleveland24 Photo of Grover Cleveland Grover Cleveland The First Democrat elected after the Civil War, Grover Cleveland was the only President to leave the White House and return for a second term four years later. One of nine children of a Presbyterian minister, Cleveland was born in New Jersey in 1837. He was raised in upstate New York. As a lawyer in Buffalo, he became notable for his single-minded concentration upon whatever task faced him. At 44, he emerged into a political prominence that carried him to the White House in three years. Running as a reformer, he was elected Mayor of Buffalo in 1881, and later, Governor of New York. Cleveland won the Presidency with the combined support of Democrats and reform Republicans, the "Mugwumps," who disliked the record of his opponent James G. Blaine of Maine. A bachelor, Cleveland was ill at ease at first with all the comforts of the White House. "I must go to dinner," he wrote a friend, "but I wish it was to eat a pickled herring a Swiss cheese and a chop at Louis' instead of the French stuff I shall find." In June 1886 Cleveland married 21-year-old Frances Folsom; he was the only President married in the White House. Cleveland vigorously pursued a policy barring special favors to any economic group. Vetoing a bill to appropriate $10,000 to distribute seed grain among drought-stricken farmers in Texas, he wrote: "Federal aid in such cases encourages the expectation of paternal care on the part of the Government and weakens the sturdiness of our national character. . . . " He also vetoed many private pension bills to Civil War veterans whose claims were fraudulent. When Congress, pressured by the Grand Army of the Republic, passed a bill granting pensions for disabilities not caused by military service, Cleveland vetoed it, too. He angered the railroads by ordering an investigation of western lands they held by Government grant. He forced them to return 81,000,000 acres. He also signed the Interstate Commerce Act, the first law attempting Federal regulation of the railroads. In December 1887 he called on Congress to reduce high protective tariffs. Told that he had given Republicans an effective issue for the campaign of 1888, he retorted, "What is the use of being elected or re-elected unless you stand for something?" But Cleveland was defeated in 1888; although he won a larger popular majority than the Republican candidate Benjamin Harrison, he received fewer electoral votes. Elected again in 1892, Cleveland faced an acute depression. He dealt directly with the Treasury crisis rather than with business failures, farm mortgage foreclosures, and unemployment. He obtained repeal of the mildly inflationary Sherman Silver Purchase Act and, with the aid of Wall Street, maintained the Treasury's gold reserve. When railroad strikers in Chicago violated an injunction, Cleveland sent Federal troops to enforce it. "If it takes the entire army and navy of the United States to deliver a post card in Chicago," he thundered, "that card will be delivered." Cleveland's blunt treatment of the railroad strikers stirred the pride of many Americans. So did the vigorous way in which he forced Great Britain to accept arbitration of a disputed boundary in Venezuela. But his policies during the depression were generally unpopular. His party deserted him and nominated William Jennings Bryan in 1896. After leaving the White House, Cleveland lived in retirement in Princeton, New Jersey. He died in 1908. Learn more about Grover Cleveland's spouse, Frances Folsom Cleveland 1894-1895: BLOUNT REPORT http://libweb.hawaii.edu/digicoll/annexation/blount.html Pertains to the Americans in the Kingdom of Hawaii: See letter February 17, 1893 from President Harrison to Congress: Special Collections, UH Manoa Library Annexation Documents | Hawaiian Collection | Library Home | Hawaii Voyager Blount Report: Affairs in Hawaii [Previous Page] -- [View PDF] -- [View in MS Word] -- [Next Page] [ Return to Table of Contents] Senate Ex. Doc. No. 77, Fifty-second Congress, second session. MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, TRANSMITTING Correspondence respecting relations between the United States and the Hawaiian Islands from September, 1820, to January, 1893. FEBRUARY 17, 1893. - Read, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and ordered to be printed. To the Senate: I transmit herewith a letter from the Secretary of State of the 15th instant, covering a report with accompanying correspondence respect- ing relations between the United States and the Hawaiian Islands from September, 1820, to January, 1893. BENJ. HARRISON. EXECUTIVE MANSION, Washington, February 16, 1893. The PRESIDENT : In further relation to the subject, and as being of interest in con- junction with the papers submitting the treaty concluded and signed at Washington on the 14th of February, instant, and sent to the Senate with a message on the 15th instant, the undersigned, Secre- tary of State, has the honor to submit the accompanying report by Andrew H. Allen, chief of the Bureau of Rolls and Library of this De- partment, upon the relations between the United States and the Ha- waiian Islands from 1820 to 1893, supplemented by an appendix and copies of considerable correspondence involved in the narrative. This report shows that from an early day the policy of the United States has been consistently and constantly declared against any for- eign aggression in the Kingdom of Hawaii inimical to the necessarily paramount rights and interests of the American people there, and the uniform contemplation of their annexation as a contingent necessity. But beyond that it is shown that annexation has been on more than one occasion avowed as a policy and attempted as a fact. Such a solu- tion was admitted as early as 1850 by so far-sighted a statesman as Lord Palmerston when he recommended to a visiting Hawaiian com- mission the contingency of a protectorate under the United States or 5 [Previous Page] -- [ View PDF] -- [View in MS Word] -- [Next Page] Back to top of page [ Return to Table of Contents] 1895-1896 U.S. President Cleveland was on record for giving Hawaii back to Queen Liliuokalani. http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf?res=FB0C14F73E5E12738"http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FB0C14F73E5E12738DDD" SAYS GOVERNMENT SUPPORTS TRUSTS; Mr. Hitchcock Condemns System of Army and Navy Contracts. ARMOR PLATE AS EXAMPLE Beef Trust, Shipbuilding Trust, and Railroads Cited -- Bates Calls Cleveland a Receptive Candidate. * Sign In to E-Mail * Permissions [ DISPLAYING ABSTRACT ] WASHINGTON, Feb. 20. -- That the Federal Government, which is supposed to be after the trusts, is making large contracts with them and paying them the people's money, was charged by Representative Hitchcock (Dem., Neb.) in the course of a vigorous criticism of the army and navy expenditures in the House to-day. Note: This article will open in PDF format. Get Adobe Acrobat Reader or Learn More http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf?res=9406E5D6153AE733A... 1897 - http://libweb.hawaii.edu/digicoll/annexation/protest/liliu5.html Annexation Documents | Hawaiian Collection | Library Home | Hawaii Voyager Anti-annexation Protest Documents - Liliuokalani to William McKinley (U.S. President), June 17, 1897 [ View PDF ] -- [ View in MS Word ]-- [ Hawaiian Newspaper Report ] [ Batch Download Page ] [ Return to Table of Contents ] Source = U.S. Presidential files(?) Scanned phtocopies of microfilmed original (English) and newspaper report (Hawaiian) I, Liliuokalani of Hawaii, by the Will of God named heir-apparent on the tenth day of April, A.D. 1877, and by the grace of God Queen of the Hawaiian Islands on the seventeenth day of January, A.D. 1893, do hereby protest against the ratification of a certain treaty, which, so I am informed, has been signed at Washington by Messrs, Hatch, Thurston, and Kinney, purporting to cede those Islands to the territory and dominion of the United States. I declare such a treaty to be an act of -wrong toward the native and part-native people of Hawaii, an invasion of the rights of the ruling chiefs, in violation of international rights both toward my people and toward friendly nations with whom they have made treaties, the perpetuation of the fraud whereby the constitutional government was overthrown, and, finally, an act of gross injustice to me. BECAUSE the official protests made by me on the seventeenth day of January, 1893, to the so-called Provisional Government was signed by me, and received by said government with the assurance that the case was referred to the United States of America for arbitration. BECAUSE that protest and my communications to the United States Government immediately thereafter expressly declare that I yielded my authority to the forces of the United States in order to avoid bloodshed, and because I recognized the futility of a conflict with so formidable a power. BECAUSE the President of the United States, the Secretary of State, and an envoy commissioned by them reported in official documents that my government was unlawfully coerced by the forces, diplomatic and naval, of the United States; that I was at the date of their investigations the constitutional ruler of my people. BECAUSE neither the above-named commission nor the government which sends it has ever received any such authority from the registered voters of Hawaii, but derives its assumed powers from the so-called committee of public safety, organized on or about the seventeenth-day of January, 1893, said committee being composed largely of persons claiming American citizenship, and not one single Hawaiian was a member thereof, or in any way participated in the demonstration leading to its existence. BECAUSE my people, about forty thousand in number, have in no way been consulted by those, three thousand in number, who claim the right to destroy the independence of Hawaii. My people constitute four-fifths of the legally qualified voters of Hawaii, and excluding those imported for the demands of labor, about the same proportion of the inhabitants. BECAUSE said treaty ignores, not only the civic rights of my people, but, further, the hereditary property of their chiefs. Of the 4,000,000 acres composing the territory said treaty offers to annex, 1,000,000 or 915,000 acres has in no way been heretofore recognized as other than the private property of the constitutional monarch, subject to a control in now way differing from other items of a private estate. BECAUSE it is proposed by said treaty to confiscate said property, technically called the crown lands, those legally entitled thereto, either now or in succession, receiving no consideration whatever for estates, their title to which has been always undisputed, and which is legitimately in my name at this date. BECAUSE said treaty ignores, not only all professions of perpetual amity and good faith made by the United States in former treaties with the sovereigns representing the Hawaiian people, but all treaties made by those sovereigns with other and friendly powers, and it is thereby in violation of international law. BECAUSE, by treating with the parties claiming at this time the right to cede said territory of Hawaii, the Government of the United States receives such territory from the hands of those whom its own magistrates (legally elected by the people of the United States, and in office in 1893) pronounced fraudulently in power and unconstitutionally ruling Hawaii. Therefore I, Liliuokalani of Hawaii, do hereby call upon the President of that nation, to whom alone I yielded my property and my authority, to withdraw said treaty (ceding said Islands) from further consideration. I ask the honorable Senate of the United States to decline to ratify said treaty, and I implore the people of this great and good nation, from whom my ancestors learned the Christian religion, to sustain their representatives in such acts of justice and equity as may be in accord with the principles of their fathers, and to the Almighty Ruler of the universe, to him who judgeth righteously, I commit my cause. Done at Washington, District of Columbia, United States of America, this seventeenth day of June, in the year eighteen hundred and ninety-seven. image of Liliuokalani and witness signatures Back to top of page [ View PDF ] -- [ View in MS Word ]-- [ Hawaiian Newspaper Report ] [ Batch Download Page ] [ Return to Table of Contents ] ************************************************************************ SUMMARY Queen Liliuokalani's Issues Remained with the U.S. President Alone, and not with the U.S. Congress, or the American People (in the Hawaiian Islands, etc.) Reasons are stated in the documents/evidence 1893 - Queen Liliuokalani documented the following: "They have attempted to depose me and to establish a provisional government, in direct conflict with the organic law of this Kingdom." attempted to depose her and contrary to the organic law moved to establish a provisional government. "I now ask you that in justice to myself and to my people that no steps be taken by the Government of the United States until my cause can be heard by you........I pray you, therefore, my good friend, that you will not allow any conclusions to be reached by you until my envoy arrives. I beg to assure you of the continuance of my highest consideration." "I requested the favor of sending by the same vessel an envoy to you, to lay before you my statement, as the facts appear to myself and my loyal subjects. This request has been refused and I now ask you that in justice to myself and to my people that no steps be taken by the Government of the United States until my cause can be heard by you." Note: In Queen Liliuokalani's book HAWAII'S STORY BY HAWAII'S QUEEN http://digital.library.upenn.edu/women/liliuokalani/hawaii/hawaii.html Queen Liliuokalani stated that she was not able to send dispatches out; therefore, she would have been unable to receive dispatches as well. 1895 - U.S. President Cleveland was on record for giving Hawaii back to Queen Liliuokalani. http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf?res=FB0C14F73E5E12738"http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FB0C14F73E5E12738DDD" 1897 - Queen Liliuokalani documented: "Therefore I, Liliuokalani of Hawaii, do hereby call upon the President of that nation, to whom alone I yielded my property and my authority," The Facts are hereby submitted that the Blount Report would be considered a diversion of the issues because Queen Liliuokalani and the U.S. President Alone were the two that everyone needed to be concerned about. Leaders of two recognized Nations were the only two that everyone needs to focus on, the others, although important as subjects and citizens (including Congress) were not legally a part of the lawful, legal conduct between Nations. The leaders alone, disregarding treasonous persons based on documented conspiracies, piracies, fraud, deception, criminal malfeasance were issues. Duress, stress, coercion, and usurpation remain issues affecting another Nations attempt in assuming a neutral nations lands, assets, properties, resources, people, etc. "The futility of a conflict with the United States; the desire to avoid violence, bloodshed, and the destruction of life and property, and the certainty which I feel that you and your Government will right whatever wrongs may have been inflicted upon us in the premises." Queen Liliuokalani documented, "They have attempted to depose me and to establish a provisional government, in direct conflict with the organic law of this Kingdom." in 1893. She did not receive the important message from President Cleveland, and maintained even four (4) years later or 1897: " Therefore, I, Liliuokalani of Hawaii, do hereby call upon the President of that nation, to whom alone I yielded my property and my authority," Lastly, there's no and's, if's, or butts............the Hawaiian Kingdom exists! aloha. Translate results into my language [Kaulana Na Pua] Add to Added to queue Kaulana Na Pua Sudden Rush & Na Wai Kaulana Na Pua Slide Show With Random Pics Of Hawaii Or Anyting 2 Do With Hawaii. 5:06 | by ce808 | 1 year ago | 4,603 views [Mythbusters: Are elephants afraid of mice?] Add to Added to queue Mythbusters: Are elephants afraid of mice? Mythbusters explore the myth of whether elephants are afraid of mice. 7:34 | by maroon5ver | 2 years ago | 397,352 views ********************************* comments/additional information: In February 1893, Queen Liliuokalani wrote: "This appeal is not made for myself personally, but for my people who have hitherto always enjoyed the friendship and protection of the United States...........I now ask you that in justice to myself and to my people that no steps be taken by the Government of the United States until my cause can be heard by you." In January 1895, President Grover Cleveland returned Hawaii to Queen Liliuokalani. The treasonous Hawaiian subjects turned Americans intervened in the dispatches. In 1897, Queen Liliuokalani maintained that the Hawaiian Kingdom was temporarily yielded to the President alone and no one else. The Hawaiian Kingdom exists because the matters were between the leaders of the two (2) separate Nations alone. Congress, the military, the American people, the treasonous Hawaiian subjects turned Americans continue to deceive everyone in the Hawaiian Islands, the U.S., and the World today..........They are truly wicked and attempt a claimed "plebiscite" which President Harrison suggested in the past..........'to give the appearance that it was the wishes of the people'..........the issues, however, has nothing to do with the people but the leaders alone. The historical documents are and remain evidence of the truth....the Hawaiian Kingdom exists. aloha.
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- oops...........erred in placing Queen Liliuokalani's name in place of Queen Kapiolani........this is to correct the following: Note: The Princes Kuhio and Kawananakoa did criminally maintain properties belonging to Queen Kapiolani, Princess Poomaikelani's (her sister Queen Liliuokalani was her administrator) and King Kalakaua's lands. Queen Liliuokalani went on record as opposing the Princes early filing of a deed which was to be filed AFTER she died. to: Note: The Princes Kuhio and Kawananakoa did criminally maintain properties belonging to Queen Kapiolani, Princess Poomaikelani's (her sister Queen Kapiolani was her administrator) and King Kalakaua's lands. Queen Kapiolani went on record as opposing the Princes early filing of a deed which was to be filed AFTER she died. aloha.http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CJB1Kdj-jZk
- Permalink Reply by Kaohi on
- Thanks for the song. I appreciate all the songs that you post, it takes away from the sense of sadness and back in the analysis of what we are writing and reading. I wouldn't want to be doing anything else, but to keep examining wht went wrong back in the 1800s I am a bit fixed on Mark Twain at the moment because he was hired to write 25 letters to be published in the Sacremento Union in 1866. For five months he observed our native Hawaiian women and wrote crap about their sexuality. I am so very shocked as to how the trail got perpetuated over the years and the much suffering that Hawaiian women went through. The 'part' Hawaiian got slashed and burned by congress many years ago. But, I don't believe that to be true, I strongly think that our own Na Kanaka men and Kuhio did severing of native Hawaiian women from full participation in their own quality of life. And I do believe if we just take it apart, we can survive the end to it's means and regain the control we once had pryor to 1923. Just as it was in the time of 1893, I too feel it's the same and that only a few seem to rule and express false notions about what the people want.
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Permalink Reply by Ka'iulani on - MAHALO AMELIA FOR REVEALING OUR GENEALOGY TO OUR OHANA...U ARE A HEAVEN SENT TO US AND WE ARE FOREVER GREATFUL TO YOU. MAY KE AKUA CONTINUE TO cover, protect, you, guide you and open the way to your research. May your gifts be used to fulfill their destiny & legacy as well as yours. me kealohapau'ole Ka'iulani
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- hi Kaiulani, am posting this to myself based on the copyright of EBSCO - military files..... IMPORTANT TO THE MAX! Comments: Browse Resources toolbarNew Search Menu Item. Sub Menu Available.Subjects Menu Item. Sub Menu Available.Publications Menu Item. Sub Menu Available.Dictionary Menu Item. Sub Menu Available.More Menu With Sub menus.Images Menu Item. Sub Menu Available.Folder Access and HelpSign In Folder Preferences New Features! Help Screenreader assistance: To improve accessibility we have several tips for navigating the Article Detail. Heading levels are available for easier navigation Skip to Citation Skip to Main Content Skip to Find box or use access key = 2 Cleveland's withdrawal of Hawaii Annexation Treaty Searching: Military & Government Collection Choose Databases » Field Codes Search Terms Main ToolbarBasic Search Advanced Search Visual Search Search History Field Codes Military & Government Collection TX All Text AU Author TI Title SU Subject Terms GE Geographic Terms AB Abstract or Author-Supplied Abstract IS ISSN IB ISBN SO Journal name AN Accession Number [ Close Window ]Back Result 1 of 1 Translate Full Text: Choose LanguageEnglish/ArabicEnglish/Bulgarian英语/简体中文英語/繁體中文English /CzechEnglish/DanishEnglish/DutchAnglais/FrançaisEnglisch/DeutschEnglish /GreekEnglish/HausaEnglish/HebrewEnglish/HindiEnglish/HungarianEnglish /IndonesianInglesi/Italiano英語/日本語English/KoreanEngelsk/NorskEnglish /PersianEnglish/PolishInglés/PortuguêsEnglish/PashtoEnglish/RomanianАнглийский/РусскийInglés/EspañolEnglish/SerbianEnglish/SwedishEnglish/ThaiEnglish/Urdu Translation in Progress: Translations powered by Language Weaver Service Title: Cleveland's withdrawal of Hawaii Annexation Treaty. By: Cleveland, Grover, Cleveland's Withdrawal of Hawaii Annexation Treaty, 2009 Database: Military & Government Collection HTML Full TextCleveland's Withdrawal of Hawaii Annexation Treaty Listen Pause Loading American Accent British Accent Australian Accent Slow Reading Speed Medium Reading Speed Fast Reading Speed Download MP3 Help SPECIAL MESSAGES. EXECUTIVE MANSION, Washington, December 18, 1893. To the Senate and House of Representatives: In my recent annual message to the Congress I briefly referred to our relations with Hawaii and expressed the intention of transmitting further information on the subject when additional advices permitted. Though I am not able now to report a definite change in the actual situation, I am convinced that the difficulties lately created both here and in Hawaii, and now standing in the way of a solution through Executive action of the problem presented, render it proper and expedient that the matter should be referred to the broader authority and discretion of Congress, with a full explanation of the endeavor thus far made to deal with the emergency and a statement of the considerations which have governed my action. I suppose that right and justice should determine the path to be followed in treating this subject. If national honesty is to be disregarded and a desire for territorial extension or dissatisfaction with a form of government not our own ought to regulate our conduct, I have entirely misapprehended the mission and character of our Government and the behavior which the conscience of our people demands of their public servants. When the present Administration entered upon its duties, the Senate had under consideration a treaty providing for the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the territory of the United States. Surely under our Constitution and laws that enlargement of our limits is a manifestation of the highest attribute of sovereignty, and if entered upon as an Executive act all things relating to the transaction should be clear and free from suspicion. Additional importance attached to this particular treaty of annexation because it contemplated a departure from unbroken American tradition in providing for the addition to our territory of islands of the sea more than 2,000 miles removed from our nearest coast. These considerations might not of themselves call for interference with the completion of a treaty entered upon by a previous Administration, but it appeared from the documents accompanying the treaty when submitted to the Senate that the ownership of Hawaii was tendered to us by a Provisional Government set up to succeed the constitutional ruler of the islands, who had been dethroned, and it did not appear that such Provisional Government had the sanction of either popular revolution or suffrage. Two other remarkable features of the transaction naturally attracted attention. One was the extraordinary haste, not to say precipitancy, characterizing all the transactions connected with the treaty. It appeared that a so-called committee of safety, ostensibly the source of the revolt against the constitutional Government of Hawaii, was organized on Saturday, the 14th day of January; that on Monday, the 16th, the United States forces were landed at Honolulu from a naval vessel lying in its harbor; that on the 17th the scheme of a Provisional Government was perfected, and a proclamation naming its officers was on the same day prepared and read at the Government building; that immediately thereupon the United States minister recognized the Provisional Government thus created; that two days afterwards, on the 19th day of January, commissioners representing such Government sailed for this country in a steamer especially chartered for the occasion, arriving in San Francisco on the 28th day of January and in Washington on the 3d day of February; that on the next day they had their first interview with the Secretary of State, and another on the 11th, when the treaty of annexation was practically agreed upon, and the on the 14th it was formally concluded and on the 15th transmitted to the Senate. Thus between the initiation of the scheme for a Provisional Government in Hawaii, on the 14th day of January, and the submission to the Senate of the treaty of annexation concluded with such Government the entire interval was thirty-two days, fifteen of which were spent by the Hawaiian commissioners in their journey to Washington. In the next place, upon the face of the papers submitted with the treaty it clearly appeared that there was open and undetermined an issue of fact of the most vital importance. The message of the President accompanying the treaty* declared that "the overthrow of the monarchy was not in any way promoted by this Government," and in a letter to the President from the Secretary of State, also submitted to the Senate with the treaty, the following passage occurs: At the time the Provisional Government possession of the Government buildings no troops or officers of the United States were present or took any part whatever in the proceedings. No public recognition was accorded to the Provisional Government by the United States minister until after the Queen's abdication and when they were in effective possession of the Government buildings, the archives, the treasury, the barracks, the police station, and all the potential machinery of the Government. But a protest also accompanied said treaty, signed by the Queen and her ministers at the time she made way for the Provisional Government, which explicitly stated that she yielded to the superior force of the United States, whose minister had caused United States troops to be landed at Honolulu and declared that he would support such Provisional Government. The truth or falsity of this protest was surely of the first importance. If true, nothing but the concealment of its truth could induce our Government to negotiate with the semblance of a government thus created, nor could a treaty resulting from the acts stated in the protest have been knowingly deemed worthy of consideration by the Senate. Yet the truth or falsity of the protest had not been investigated. I conceived it to be my duty, therefore, to withdraw the treaty from the Senate for examination, and meanwhile to cause an accurate, full, and impartial investigation to be made of the facts attending the subversion of the constitutional Government of Hawaii and the installment in its place of the Provisional Government. I selected for the work of investigation the Hon. James H. Blount, of Georgia, whose service of eighteen years as a member of the House of Representatives and whose experience as chairman of the Committee of Foreign Affairs in that body, and his consequent familiarity with international topics, joined with his high character and honorable reputation seemed to render him peculiarity fitted for the duties intrusted to him. His report detailing his action under the instruction given to him and the conclusions derived from his investigation accompany this message. These conclusions do not rest for their acceptance entirely upon Mr. Blount's honesty and ability as a man, nor upon his acumen and impartiality as an investigator. They are accompanied by the evidence upon which they are based, which evidence is also herewith transmitted, and from which it seems to me no other deductions could possibly be reached than those arrived at by the commissioner. The report, with its accompanying proofs and such other evidence as is now before the Congress or is herewith submitted, justifies, in my opinion, the statement that when the President was led to submit the treaty to the Senate with the declaration that "the overthrow of the monarchy was not in any way promoted by this Government," and when the Senate was induced to receive and discuss it on that basis, both President and Senate were misled. The attempt will not be made in this communication to touch upon all the facts which throw light upon the progress and consummation of this scheme of annexation. A very brief and imperfect reference to the facts and evidence at hand will exhibit its character and the incidents in which it had its birth. It is unnecessary to set forth the reasons which in January, 1893, led a considerable proportion of American and other foreign merchants and traders residing at Honolulu to favor the annexation of Hawaii to the United States. It is sufficient to note the fact and to observe that the project was one which was zealously promoted by the minister representing the United States in that country. He evidently had an ardent desire that it should become a fact accomplished by his agency and during his ministry, and was not inconveniently scruptions as to the means employed to that end. On the 19th day of November, 1892, nearly two months before the first overt act tending toward the subversion of the Hawaiian Government and the attempted transfer of Hawaiian territory to the United States, he addressed a long letter to the Secretary of State, in which the case for annexation was elaborately argued on moral, political, and economical grounds. He refers to the loss to the Hawaiian sugar interests from the operation of the McKinley bill and the tendency to still further depreciation of sugar property unless some positive measure of relief is granted. He strongly inveighs against the existing Hawaiian Government and emphatically declares for annexation. He says: In truth, the monarchy here is an absurd anachronism. It has nothing on which it logically or legitimately stands. The feudal basis on which it once stood no longer existing, the monarchy now is only an impediment to good government--an obstruction to the prosperity and progress of the islands. He further says: As a Crown colony of Great Britain or a Territory of the United States the government modifications could be made readily and good administration of the law secured. Destiny and the vast future interests of the United States in the Pacific clearly indicate who at no distant day must be responsible for the government of these islands. Under a Territorial government they could be as easily governed as any of the existing territories of the United States. * * *. Hawaii has reached the parting of the ways. She must now take the road which leads to Asia, or the other, which outlets her in America, gives her an American civilization, and binds her to the care of American destiny. He also declares: One of two courses seems to me absolutely necessary to be followed--either bold and vigorous measures for annexation or a "customs union," an ocean cable from the California coast to Honolulu, Pearl Harbor perpetually ceded to the United States, with an implied but not expressly stipulated American protectorate over the islands. I believe the former to be the better, that which will prove much the more advantageous to the islands and the cheapest and least embarrassing in the end to the United States. If it was wise for the United States, through Secretary Marcy, thirty-eight years ago, to offer to expand $100,000 to secure a treaty of annexation, it certainly can not be chimerical or unwise to expand $100,000 to secure annexation in the near future. To-day the United States has five times the wealth she possessed in 1854, and the reasons now existing for annexation are much stronger than they were then. I can not refrain from expressing the opinion with emphasis that the golden hours is near at hand. These declarations certainly show a disposition and condition of mind which may be usefully recalled when interpreting the significance of the minister"s conceded acts or when considering the probabilities of such conduct on his part as may not be admitted. In this view it seems proper to also quote from a letter written by the minister to the Secretary of State on the 18th day of March, 1892, nearly a year prior to the first step taken toward annexation. After stating the possibility that the existing Government of Hawii might be overturned by an orderly and peaceful revolution, Minister Stevens writes as follows: Ordinarily, in like circumstances, the rule seems to be limit the landing and movement of United States forces in foreign waters and dominion exclusively to the protection of the United States legation and of the lives and property of American citizens; but as the relations of the United States to Hawaii are exceptional, and in former years the United States officials here took somewhat exceptional action in circumstances of disorder, I desire to know how far the present minister and naval commander may deviate from established international rules and precedents in the contingencies indicated in the first part of this dispatch. To a minister of this temper, full of zeal for annexation, there seemed to arise in January, 1893, the precise opportunity for which he was watchfully waiting--an opportunity which by timely " deviation from established international rules and precedents " might be improved to successfully accomplish the great object in view; and we are quite prepared for the exultant enthusiasm with which, in a letter to the State Department dated February 1, 1893, he declares: The Hawaiian pear is now fully ripe, and this is the golden hour for the United States to pluck it. As a further illustration of the activity of this diplomatic representative, attention is called to the fact that on the day the above letter was written, apparently unable longer to restrain his ardor, he issued a proclamation whereby, "in the name of the United States," he assumed the protection of the Hawaiian Islands and declared that said action was "taken pending and subject to negotiations at Washington." Of course this assumption of a protectorate was promptly disavowed by our Government, but the American Flag remained over the Government building at Honolulu and the forces remained on guard until April, and after Mr. Blount's arrival on the scene, when both were removed. A brief statement of the occurrences that led to the subversion of the constitutional Government of Hawaii in the interests of annexation to the United States will exhibit the true complexion of that transaction. On Saturday, January 14, 1893, the Queen of Hawaii, who had been contemplating the proclamation of a new constitution, had, in deference to the wishes and remonstrances of her cabinet, renounced the project for the present at least. Taking this relinguished purpose as a basis of action, citizens of Honolulu numbering from fifty to one hundred, mostly resident aliens, met in a private office and selected a so-called committee of safety, composed of thirteen persons, seven of whom were foreign subjects, and consisted of five Americans, one Englishman, and one German. This committee, though its designs were not revealed, had in view nothing less than annexation to the United States, and between Saturday, the 14th, and the following Monday, the 16th of January--though exactly what action was taken may not be clearly disclosed--they were certainly in communication with the United States minister. On Monday morning the Queen and her cabinet made public proclamation, with a notice which was specially served upon the representatives of all foreign governments, that any changes in the constitution would be sought only in the methods provided by that instrument. Nevertheless, at the call and under the auspices of the committee of safety, a mass meeting of citizens was held on that day to protest against the Queen's alleged illegal and unlawful proceedings and purposes. Even at this meeting the committee of safety continued to disguise their real purpose and contended themselves with procuring the passage of a resolution denouncing the Queen and empowering the committee to devise ways and means "to secure the permanent maintenance of law and order and the protection of life, liberty, and property in Hawaii." This meeting adjourned between 3 and 4 o'clock in the afternoon. On the same day, and immediately after such adjournment, the committee, unwilling to take further steps without the cooperation of the United States minister, addressed him a note representing that the public safety was menaced and that lives and property were in danger, and concluded as follows: We are unable to protect ourselves without aid, and therefore pray for the protection of the United States forces. Whatever may be thought of the other contents of this note, the absolute truth of this latter statement is incontestable. When the note was written and delivered the committee, so far as it appears, had neither a man nor a gun at their command, and after its delivery they became so panic-stricken at their position that they sent some of their number to interview the minister and request him not to land the United States forces till the next morning. But he replied that the troops had been ordered and whether the committee were ready or not the landing should take place. And so it happened that on the 16th day of January, 1893, between 4 and 5 o'clock in the afternoon, a detachment of marines from the United States steamer Boston, with two pieces of artillery, landed at Honolulu. The men, upward of 160 in all, were supplied with double cartidge belts filled with ammunition and with haversacks and canteens, and were accompanied by a hospital corps with stretchers and medical supplies. This military demonstration upon the soil of Honolulu was itself an act of war, unless made either with the consent of the Government of Hawaii or for the bona fide purpose of protecting the imperiled lives and property of citizens of the United States. But there is no pretense of any such consent on the part of the Government of the Queen, which at that time was undisputed and was both the de facto and the de jure Government. In point of fact the existing Government, instead of requesting the presence of an armed force, protested against it. There is as little basis for the pretense that such forces were landed for the security of American life and property. If so, they would have been stationed in the vicinity of such property and so as to protect it, instead of at a distance and so as to command the Hawaiian Government building and palace. Admiral Skerrett, the officer in command of our naval force on the Pacific station, has frankly stated that in his opinion the location of the troops was inadvisable if they were landed for the protection of American citizens, whose residences and places of business, as well as the legation and consulate, were in a distant part of the city; but the location selected was a wise one if the forces were landed for the purpose of supporting the Provisional Government. If any peril to life and property calling for any such martial array had existed, Great Britain and other foreign powers interested would not have been behind the United States in activity to protect their citizens. But they made no sign in that direction. When these armed men were landed the city of Honolulu was in its customary orderly and peaceful condition. There was no symptom of riot or disturbance in any quarter. Men, women, and children were about the streets as usual, and nothing varied the ordinary routine or disturbed the ordinary tranquillity except the landing of the Boston's marines and then march through the town to the quarters assigned them. Indeed, the fact that after having called for the landing of the United States forces on the plea of danger to life and property the committee of safety themselves requested the minister to postpone action exposed the untruthfulness of their representations of present peril to life and property. The peril they saw was an anticipation growing out of guilty intentions on their part and something which, though not then existing, they knew would certainly follow their attempt to overthrow the Government of the Queen without the aid of the United States forces. Thus it appears that Hawaii was taken possession of by the United States forces without the consent or wish of the Government of the islands, or of anybody else so far as shown except the United States minister. Therefore the military occupation of Honolulu by the United States on the day mentioned was wholly without justification, either as an occupation by consent or as an occupation necessited by dangers threatening American life and property. It must be accounted for in some other way and on some other ground, and its real motive and purpose are neither obscure nor far to seek. The United States forces being now on the scene and favorably stationed, the committee proceeded to carry out their original scheme. They met the next morning, Tuesday, the 17th, perfected the plan of temporary government, and fixed upon its principal officers, ten of whom were drawn from the thirteen members of the committee of safety. Between 1 and 2 o'clock, by squads and by different routes to avoid notice, and having first taken the precaution of ascertaining whether there was anyone there to oppose them, they proceeded to the Government building to proclaim the new Government. No sign of opposition was manifest, and thereupon an American citizen began to read the proclamation from the steps of the Government building, almost entirely without auditors. It is said that before the reading was finished quite a concourse of persons, variously estimated at from 50 to 100, some armed and some unarmed, gathered about the committee to give them aid and confidence. This statement is not important, since the one controlling factor in the whole affair was unquestionably the United States marines, who, drawn up under arms and with artillery in readiness only 76 yards distant, dominated the situation. The Provisional Government thus proclaimed was by the terms of the proclamation " to exist until terms of union with the United States had been negotiated and agreed upon." The United States minister, pursuant to prior agreement, recognized this Government within an hour after the reading of the proclamation, and before 5 o'clock, in answer to an inquiry on behalf of the Queen and her cabinet, announced that he had done so. When our minister recognized the Provisional Government, the only basis upon which it rested was the fact that the committee of safety had in the manner above stated declared it to exist. It was neither a government de facto nor de jure. That it was not in such possession of the Government property and agencies as entitled it to recognition is conclusively proved by a note found in the files of the legation at Honolulu, addressed by the declared head of the Provisional Government to Minister Stevens, dated January 17, 1893, in which he acknowledges with expressions of appreciation the minister's recognition of the Provisional Government and states that it is not yet in the possession of the station house (the place where a large number of the Queen's troops were quartered), though the same had been demanded of the Queen's officers in charge. Nevertheless, this wrongful recognition by our minister placed the Government of the Queen in a position of most perilous perplexity. On the one hand she had possession of the place, of the barracks, and of the police station, and had at her command at least 500 fully armed men and several pieces of artillery. Indeed, the whole military force of her Kingdom was on her side and at her disposal, while the committee of safety, by actual search, had discovered that there were but very few arms in Honolulu that were not in the service of the Government. In this state of things, if the Queen could have dealt with the insurgents alone, her course would have been plain and the result unmistakable. But the United States had allied itself with her enemies, had recognizedd them as the true Governmentof Hawaii, and had put her and her adherents in the position of opposition against lawful authority. She knew that she could not withstand the power of the United States, but she believed that she might safely trust to its justice. Accordingly, some hours after the recognition of the Provisional Government by the United States minister, the palace, the barracks, and the police station, with all the military resources of the country, were delivered up by the Queen upon the representation made to her that her cause would thereafter be reviewed at Washington, and while protesting that she surrendered to the superior force of the United States, whose minister had caused United States troops to be landed at Honolulu and declared that he would support the Provisional Government, and that she yielded her authority to prevent collision of armed forces and loss of life, and only until such time as the United States, upon the facts being presented to it, should undo the action of its representative and reinstate her in the authority she claimed as the constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands.
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- This protest was delivered to the chief of the Provisional Government, who indorsed thereon his acknowledgment of its reseipt. The terms of the protest were read without dissent by those assuming to constitute the Provisional Government, who were certainly charged with the knowledge that the Queen, instead of finally abandoning her powerm had appealed to the justice of the United States for reinstatement in her authority; and yet the Provisional Government, with this unanswered protest in its hand, hastened to negotiate with the United States for the permanent banishment of the Queen from power and for a sale of her Kingdom. Our country was in danger of occupying the position of having actually set up a temporary government on foreign soil for the purpose of acquiring through that agency territory which we had wrongfully put in its possession. The control of both sides of a bargain acquired in such a manner is called by a familiar and unpleasant name when found in private transactions. We are not without a precedent showing how scrupulously we avoided such accusations in former days. After the people of Texas had declared their independence of Mexico they resolved that on the acknowledgment of their independence by the United States they would seek admission into the Union. Several months after the battle of San Jacinto, by which Texan independence was practically assured and established, President Jackson declined to recognize it, alleging as one of his reasons that in the circumstances it became us "to beware of a too early movement, as it might subject us, however unjustly, to the imputation of seeking to establish the claim of our neighbors to a territory with a view to its subsequent acquisition by ourselves." This is in marked contrast with the hasty recognition of a government openly and concededly set up for the purpose of tendering to us territorial annexation. I believe that a candid and thorough examination of the facts will force the conviction that the Provisional Government owes its existence to an armed invasion by the United States. Fair-minded people, with the evidence before them, will hardly claim that the Hawaiian Government was overthrown by the people of the islands or that the Provisional Government had ever existed with their consent. I do not understand that any member of this Government claims that the people would uphold it by their suffrages if they were allowed to vote on the question. While naturally sympathizing with every effort to establish a republican form of government, it has been the settled policy of the United States to concede to people of foreign countries the same freedom and independence in the management of their domestic affairs that we have always claimed for ourselves, and it has been our practice to recognize revolutionary governments as soon as it became apparent that they were supported by the people. For illustration of this rule I need only to refer to the revolution in Brazil in 1889, when our minister was instructed to recognize the Republic "so soon as it a majority of the people of Brazil should have signified their assent to its establishment and maintenance;" to the revolution in Chile in 1891, when our minister was directed to recognize the new Government "if it was accepted by the people," and to the revolution in Venezuela in 1892, when our recognition was accorded on condition that the new Government was "fully established, in possession of the power of the nation, and accepted by the people." As I apprehend the situation, we are brought face to face with the following conditions: The lawful Government of Hawaii was overthrown without the drawing of a sword or the firinf of a shot by a process every step of which, it may safely be asserted, is directly traceable to and dependent for its success upon the agency of the United States acting through its diplomatic and naval representatives. But for the notorious predilections of the United States minister for annexation the committee of safety, which should be called the committee of annexation, would never have existed. But for the landing of the United States forces upon false pretexts respecting the danger to life and property the committee would never have exposed themselves to the pains and penalties of treason by undertaking the subversion of the Queen's Government. But for the presence of the United States forces in the immediate vicinity and in position to afford all needed protection and support the committee would not have proclaimed the Provisional Government from the steps of the Government building. And finally, but for the lawless occupation of Honolulu under false pretexts by the United States forces, and but for Minister Steven's recognition of the Provisional Government when the United States forces were its sole support and constituted its only military strength, the Queen and her Government would never have yielded to the Provisional Government, even for a time and for the sole purpose of submitting her case to the enlightened justice of the United States. Believing, therefore, that the United States could not, under the circumstances disclosed, annex the islands without the justly incurring the imputation of acquiring them by unjustifiable methods, I shall not again submit the treaty of annexation to the Senate for its consideration, and in the instructions to Minister Willis, a copy of which accompanies this message, I have directed him to so inform the Provisional Government. But in the present instance our duty does not, in my opinion, end with refusing to consummate this questionable transaction. It has been the boast of our Government that it seeks to do justice in all things without regard to the strength or weakness of those with whom it deals. I mistake the American people if they favor the odious doctrine that there is no such thing as international morality; that there is one law for a strong nation and another for a week one, and that even by indirection a strong power may with impunity despoil a weak one of its territory. By an act of war, committed with the participation of a diplomatic representative of the United States and without authority of Congress, the Government of a feeble but friendly and confiding people has been overthrown. A substantial wrong has thus been done which a due regard for our national character as well as the rights of the injured people requires we should endeavor to repair. The Provisional Government has not assumed a republican or other constitutional form, but has remained a mere executive council or oligarchy, set up without the assent of the people. It has not sought to find a permanent basis of popular support and has given no evidence of an intention to do so. Indeed, the representatives of that Government assert that the people of Hawaii are unfit for popular government and frankly avow that they can be best ruled by arbitrary of despotic power. The law of nations is founded upon reason and justice, and the rules of conduct governing individual relations between citizens or subjects of a civilized state are equally applicable as between enlightened nations. The considerations that international law is without a court for its enforcement and that obedience to its commands practically depends upon good faith instead of upon the mandate of a superior tribunal only give additional sanction to the law itself and brand any deliberate infraction of it not merely as a wrong, but as a disgrace. A man of true honor protects the unwritten word which binds his conscience more scrupulously, if possible, than he does the bond a breach of which subjects him to legal liabilities, and the United States, in aiming to maintain itself as one of thee most enlightened nations, would do its citizens gross injustice if it applied to its international relations any other than a high standard of honor and morality. On that ground the United States can not properly be put in the position of countenancing a wrong after its commission any more than in that of consenting to it in advance. On that ground it can not allow itself to refuse to redress an injury inflicted through an abuse of power by officers clothed with its authority and wearing its uniform; and on the same ground, if a feeble but friendly state is in danger of being robbed of its independence and its sovereignty by a misuse of the name and power of the United States, the United States can not fail to vindicate its honor and its sense of justice by an earnest effort to make all possible reparation. These principles apply to the present case with irresistible force when the special conditions of the Queen's surrender of her sovereignty are recalled. She surrendered, not to the Provisional Government, but to the United States. She surrendered, not absolutely and permanently, but temporarily and conditionally until such time as the facts could be considered by the United States. Furthermore, the Provisional Government acquiesced in her surrender in that manner and on those terms, not only by tacit consent, but through the positive acts of some members of that Government, who urged her peaceable submission, not merely to avoid bloodshed, but because she could place implicit reliance upon the justice of the United States and that the whole subject would be finally considered at Washington. I have not, however, overlook an incident of this unfortunate affair which remains to be mentioned. The members of the Provisional Government and their supporters, though not entitled to extreme sympathy, have been led to their present predicament of revolt against the Government of the Queen by the indefensible encouragement and assistance of our diplomatic representative. This fact may entitle them to claim that in our effort to rectify the wrong committed some regard should be had for their safety. This sentiment is strongly seconded by my anxiety to do nothing which would invite either harsh retaliation on the part of the Queen or violence and bloodshed in any quarter. In the belief that the Queen, as well as her enemies, would be willing to adopt such a course as would meet these conditions, and in view of the fact that both the Queen and the Provisional Government had at one time apparently acquiesced in a reference of the entire case to the United States Government, and considering the further fact that in any event the Provisional Government by its own declared limitation was only "to exist until terms of union with the United States of America have been negotiated and agreed upon," I hoped that after the assurance to the members of that government that such union could not be consummated I might compass a peaceful adjustment of the difficulty. Actuated by these desires and purposes, and not unmindful of the inherent perplexities of the situation nor of the limitations upon my power, I instructed Minister Willis to advise the Queen and her supporters of my desire to aid in the restoration of the status existing before the lawless landing of the United States forces at Honolulu on the 16th of January last if such restoration could be affected upon terms providing for clemency as well as justice to all parties concerned. The conditions suggested, as the instructions show, contemplate a general amnesty to those concerned in setting up the Provisional Government and a recognition of all its bona fide acts and obligations. In short, they require that the past should be buried and that the restored Government should reassume its authority as if its continuity had not been interrupted These conditions have not proved acceptable to the Queen, and though she has been informed that they will be insisted upon and that unless acceded to the efforts of the President to aid in the restoration of her Government will cease, I have not thus far learned that she is willing to yield them her acquiescence. The check which my plans have thus encountered has prevented their presentation to the members of the Provisional Government, while unfortunate public misrepresentations of the situation and exaggerated statements of the sentiments of our people have obviously injured the prospects of successful Executive mediation. I therefore submit this communication, with its accompanying exhibits, embracing Mr. Blount's report, the evidence and statements taken by him at Honolulu, the instructions given to both Mr. Blount and Minister Willis, and correspondence connected with the affair in hand. In commending this subject to the extended powers and wide discretion of the Congress I desire to add the assurance that I shall be much gratified to cooperate in any legislative plan which may be devised for the solution of the problem before us which is consistent with American honor, integrity, and morality. The Essential Documents of American History was compiled by Norman P. Desmarais and James H. McGovern of Providence College. Also President Harrison's Message on the Annexation of Hawaii Also Annexation of Hawaii ~~~~~~~~ By GROVER CLEVELAND or see at ************************************** also see QUEEN LILIUOKALANI'S ARTICLE WHICH WAS COPYRIGHTED only recently https://docs.google.com/viewer?a=v&pid=explorer&chrome=true... ************************************* saw your gramma & grampa yesterday......could you please send your e-mail so that we could include you folks for some meetings planned........we are working on a number of projects which will include the bloodlines, and some of the various sovereignty groups, etc. aloha. email: hawaiianhistory@gmail.com
5:03Added to queue
Kaulana Na Pua
Hidden behind a deceptively light tune, this protest song tells of the ardent opposition of Native Hawaiians to the annexation of their nation to ...
- Permalink Reply by Amelia Gora on
- Delete
- hi Kaiulani, Leuren Moret, Depleted Uranium expert, documented that Japan had tried to surrender well before they dropped the ATOM Bombs.............recently, one of the Legal researchers (no you don't know this one) sent this important piece:
Japan Tried To Surrender After Midway Defeat By J Bruce Campbell jb_campbell@yahoo.com 8-2-6
- Dear Gary,
- Your essay reveals that the Japanese were attempting to surrender before the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombs were dropped on unsuspecting civilians. However ... it was much worse than that.
- The US Strategic Bombing Survey reveals that the Japanese began peace feelers shortly after their defeat at Midway in April, '42. The Japanese figured they had 16 months from Pearl Harbor to beat the US, without one setback. Midway was the setback that guaranteed their eventual surrender.
- George Marshall, Roosevelt's army chief of staff, would not hear of any peace attempts. As we now can see, the whole purpose of Pearl Harbor, from the Roosevelt POV, was to get us into a war with Germany. A secondary purpose was to install Mao Tse-tung in China, which demanded the annihilation of the Japanese and the selling out of Chiang Kai-shek. We can see now the idea behind the Communization of China - the transfer of US jobs to Chinese slavers.
- Peace feelers continued through '42, '43 and '44, when the blood was really flowing in the Pacific. They tried through the Soviets, the British and the Siamese. Marshall would not consider anything but Unconditional Surrender, knowing the Japanese would not give up Hirohito to the hangman, which didn't happen anyway. But this was always threatened, deliberately driving the Japanese to desperate acts to protect their god-leader. All well understood by the psychiatrists in FDR's gang. Even after Okinawa, Marshall said the desperate attempts at surrender were "premature." Going through the list of terrible battles in the Pacific while the Japanese were frantically attempting to end the war is mind-numbing.
- Marshall was taking his orders from Harry Hopkins, who has been revealed as Stalin's most important agent in the US. Stalin never declared war on the Japanese and wanted the fighting to continue so that he could occupy Manchuria when he was ready, and when the Japanese were no longer able to resist. He didn't declare war on Japan until the Hiroshima bomb was dropped. Marshall still wouldn't accept surrender until the second bomb was dropped on Nagasaki. The anticipated effects of atom bombing were too interesting to forego.
- Meanwhile, Hopkins had arranged for the transfer of the atom bomb plans and an entire bomb-manufacturing industry from Oak Ridge to Moscow via the airlift command at Great Falls, Montana (see Major George Racey Jordan's Diaries).
- There has to be greater understanding of the reasons behind the military partnership between the US and the Soviet Union from 1941 to 1945, when the New World Order was established. Soviet Communism was saved and then spread around the world, and this was the main purpose of FDR, which was why he desperately needed the Japanese to attack Pearl Harbor, because Hitler would not fall for his provocations in the Atlantic, as the Japanese did in the Pacific. But few Americans understand how revolting and outrageous were FDR's provocations against the Japanese, which reached a crescendo in his attempts to get them to attack. He and his psychiatrists knew that this was the only way Americans could be tricked into supporting another world war in twenty years.
- This is exactly what the Zionists behind Bush did when they came up with their "Project for a New American Century," in which they wrote that the American people would not support their aggression against Islam without a second Pearl Harbor. It is clear that they engineered the WTC attack, just as their uncles engineered the Hawaiian attack. Only the modern guys actually did the WTC because they couldn't take any chances on their stooges blowing it, as they did in '93.
- George Marshall forced Mao Tse-tung on the Chinese in 1949. He gave Ho Chi Minh the northern half of Indochina in1945. Millions of Chinese and Vietnamese and thousands of Americans perished as a result. But this was exactly what our government wanted, just as the carnage in the Middle East is exactly what is wanted now.
- How low will we go?
- --J B Campbell
Whitewashing Hiroshima - The Uncritical Glorification Of American Militarism By Gary G. Kohls 8-3-6 - Back in 1995, the Smithsonian Institute was preparing an honest but aggressive display dealing with the 50th anniversary of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Amid much right-wing reactionary wrangling, from various ultrapatriotic veterans groups all the way up to the Newt Gingrich/GOP-dominated Congress, the Smithsonian was forced to eliminate that painful but historically important part of the story the Japanese civilian perspective. So again we had another example of powerful politically conservative groups influencing public policy and messing with history because they didn't have the courage to face up to unpleasant historical truths.
- The historians did have a gun to their heads, of course, but in the mêlée, the media and therefore the public ignored a vital historical point. And that is this: The war would have ended soon without the atomic bombs, and thus there wouldn't have been a bloody American invasion of Japan. American intelligence, with the full knowledge of President Truman, was fully aware of Japan's desperate search for ways to honorably surrender weeks before the order was given for the Holocaust that was Hiroshima.
- American intelligence data, revealed in the 1980s, shows that a large-scale US invasion (planned for no sooner than November 1, 1945) would have been unnecessary. Japan was working on peace negotiations with the Allies through its Moscow ambassador in July of 1945. Truman knew of these developments, the US having broken the Japanese code years earlier, and all of Japan's military and diplomatic messages were being intercepted. On July 13, 1945, Foreign Minister Togo said: "Unconditional surrender (giving up all sovereignty) is the only obstacle to peace." Truman knew this, and the war could have ended by simply conceding a post-war figurehead position for the emperor a leader regarded as a deity in Japan. That concession was refused by the US, the Japanese continued negotiating for peace, and the bombs were dropped. And after the war, the emperor remained in place. So what were the real reasons for 1) the refusal to accept Japan's offer of surrender and 2) the decision to proceed with the bombings?
- Shortly after WWII, military analyst Hanson Baldwin wrote: "The Japanese, in a military sense, were in a hopeless strategic situation by the time the Potsdam demand for unconditional surrender was made on July 26, 1945." Admiral William Leahy, top military aide to President Truman, said in his war memoirs, I Was There: "It is my opinion that the use of this barbarous weapon at Hiroshima and Nagasaki was of no material assistance in our war against Japan. The Japanese were already defeated and ready to surrender because of the effective sea blockade and the successful bombing with conventional weapons. My own feeling is that in being the first to use it, we had adopted an ethical standard common to the barbarians of the Dark Ages." And General Dwight Eisenhower agreed.
- Truman proceeded with the plans to use the bombs, but he never officially ordered the Nagasaki bomb that followed Hiroshima only three days later. There are a number of factors that helped Truman make his decision.
- 1 The US had made a huge investment in time, mind and money ($2,000,000,000 in 1940 dollars) to produce the bombs, and there was no inclination and no guts to stop the momentum.
- 2 The US military as did its citizens had a bloodthirsty appetite for revenge because of Pearl Harbor. Mercy wasn't the mind-set of these professed Christians, and the missions were accomplished with glee.
- 3 The Nagasaki bomb was a plutonium bomb and Hiroshima's was uranium. Scientific curiosity certainly was a major factor for the mass slaughter of the Nagasaki community. The decision to use both bombs had obviously been made well in advance. The three day interval was unconscionably inadequate Japan being in shambles in its communications and transportation capabilities and besides, no one, not even the Japanese high command, fully understood what had happened at Hiroshima.
- 4 The Russians had proclaimed their intent to enter the war with Japan 90 days after V- Day, which would have been Aug. 8, two days after Hiroshima. Indeed, Russia did declare war on August 8 and was marching across Manchuria when Nagasaki was incinerated. The US didn't want Japan surrendering to anybody else, especially a future enemy, so the first nuclear "messages" of the infantile Cold War were sent. Russia indeed received less of the spoils of war, and the two superpowers were mired in mutual moral bankruptcy and economic near-bankruptcy for the rest of the century.
- An estimated 80,000 innocent civilians plus 20,000 young essentially weaponless Japanese conscripts died instantly in the Hiroshima bombing. Hundreds of thousands suffered agonizing burns, leukemia and infections for the rest of their shortened lives, and generations of the survivor's progeny inherited horrible radiation-induced illnesses, cancers and premature death. What has been covered up is the fact that 12 American Navy pilots, their existence well known to the US command, were incinerated in the Hiroshima jail on Aug. 6.
- The 75,000 Nagasaki victims were virtually all innocent civilians, except for the inhabitants of an allied POW camp near Nagasaki's ground zero. They were incinerated, carbonized, then evaporated, by a scientific experiment carried out by obedient, unaware soldiers. The War Dept. knew of the existence of the POWs but, when informed, simply replied: "Targets previously assigned for Centerboard (atomic bomb mission code name) remain unchanged."
- So the end of the war in the Pacific was just one more myth in a long list of myths Americans have been fed by our military and civilian leaders, war being glorified in the process. A short list of some of the others includes the censored-out military invasions of (and usually CIA-orchestrated atrocities in) Korea, Viet Nam, Laos, Cambodia, Granada, Panama, Iraq, the Philippines, Chile, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Guatemala, Haiti, Colombia, etc, etc. But somehow we still hang on to our shaky "my country right or wrong" patriotism, desperately wanting to believe that our nation only works for peace, justice and democracy and not mainly for capitalism. While it is true that the US military has faced down a few despots, with natural heroism and sacrifice from the dead and now dying American soldiers, more often than not our methods of rationalizing the atrocities of war are identical to those of the "godless communists" or "evil empire" on the other side of the battle line. August 6 and 9, 1945 are just two more examples of the brutalization of innocent civilians in "total war," whether it is called "regretful collateral damage" or "friendly fire."
- The time has come for Americans to stand up for real justice and peace (rather than the unaffordable "armed truces" we have all over the world) by acknowledging the whole truth of history and owning up to the numerous war crimes and crimes against humanity that have been perpetrated by American militarism in the last half-century. And then we need to start accepting the consequences of our leadership's actions, like the courageous and honorable people we claim to be. Doing what is right for the whole of humanity for a change, rather than just what is advantageous for us over-privileged Americans, would be real honor, real patriotism and an essential start toward real peace.
- MacArthur notified Roosevelt in January, '45, before FDR went to Yalta, that the Japanese were willing to surrender all Japanese forces on the sea, in the air, at home, on island possessions and in occupied countries, surrender of all arms and munitions, occupation of the Japanese homeland and island possessions by allied troops under American direction, relinquishment of Manchuria, Korea and Formosa as well as all territory seized during the war, turning over Japanese whom the US might designate as war criminals, release of all prisoners of war and internees in Japan and in areas under Japanese control. This was finally reported by Walter Trohan of the Chicago Tribune on August 19, 1945 (simultaneously in the Washington Times Herald). Trohan had promised his source in army intelligence that he would sit on it until the war was over.
- Obviously, Roosevelt ignored MacArthur's urgent report and what happened at Yalta revealed America's true nature as a Communist war criminal nation.
- After MacArthur returned from Korea in '51, Herbert Hoover took the Trohan article to his suite at the Waldorf Towers and asked him if it were true? MacArthur confirmed every detail.
- Now, this was before the battles of Iwo Jima and Okinawa and the huge loss of life on both sides. This was exactly what the US accepted eight months later. The problem was that our noble ally, Josef Stalin, wasn't ready to make his Manchurian land-grab yet. Every action our military was directed to make in Europe and in the Pacific was based on Stalin's post-war plans. The war was fought for a total Communist victory. Do you doubt this?
- The traits you mention were true for the Tojo-War Party men. But there was also a Peace Party that included Togo, the Foreign Minister and the Emperor himself. And, yes - the Japanese military did believe that Hirohito might be tried as a war criminal and hanged, such was the intense hatred of Japan created by our mainly Jewish propagandists in government and in Hollywood. The terms of Unconditional Surrender were deliberately kept vague and ominous by Roosevelt and Marshall because they wanted the war to go on as long as Stalin needed to get his troops into Manchuria. The fact that MacArthur himself chose to treat Hirohito honorably - against the vehement demands by American Jews and their brainwashed dupes that he be tried and executed - is seen by you in hindsight now. But that came as a total surprise to both Americans and Japanese after the war, all of whom expected him to be put on trial.
- There is no way to sugar-coat this. American war crimes were as ghastly then as they are now - more so, really. And all of it to create the Council on Foreign Relations' plan called the New World Order. This meant that much of the world would have to become Communist to exterminate normal, freedom-loving people and produce the world slave system. And this doesn't even touch what we did in Europe, during and after the war. But Japan had to be destroyed so that it would never threaten America's plan for reducing China to slavery under its stooge, Mao Tse-tung.
- The long-range purpose of this crime against humanity was what we have today: massive losses of American jobs and security and a total dependence on Chinese slave-made goods. The CFR's plans are coming to fruition with their announcement of their North American Union in 2010 - the merger of the US, Mexico and Canada with a CFR government over us all. This is all the result of the CFR's World War II, which was produced by their manipulation of the Japanese at Pearl Harbor and their nuclear annihilation three and a half years later. And yes, Japan tried to surrender a long time before the bombs were gratuitously dropped on them.
- JBC
- http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iuLcTPvuH1E&feature=related
6:49Added to queue Redemption Song - Bob Marley - Song of Freedomby ratajana1,452,844 views
2:55Added to queue
Alela Diane - The Pirate's Gospel
www.myspace.com/alelamusic Order album from www.fargostore.com Directed by Alexandre Saltiel Produced by Narcisse Films
- Permalink Reply by Amelia Gora on
- Delete
-
Japan Tried To Surrender After Midway Defeat By J Bruce Campbell jb_campbell@yahoo.com 8-2-6 - Dear Gary,
- Your essay reveals that the Japanese were attempting to surrender before the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombs were dropped on unsuspecting civilians. However ... it was much worse than that.
- The US Strategic Bombing Survey reveals that the Japanese began peace feelers shortly after their defeat at Midway in April, '42. The Japanese figured they had 16 months from Pearl Harbor to beat the US, without one setback. Midway was the setback that guaranteed their eventual surrender.
- George Marshall, Roosevelt's army chief of staff, would not hear of any peace attempts. As we now can see, the whole purpose of Pearl Harbor, from the Roosevelt POV, was to get us into a war with Germany. A secondary purpose was to install Mao Tse-tung in China, which demanded the annihilation of the Japanese and the selling out of Chiang Kai-shek. We can see now the idea behind the Communization of China - the transfer of US jobs to Chinese slavers.
- Peace feelers continued through '42, '43 and '44, when the blood was really flowing in the Pacific. They tried through the Soviets, the British and the Siamese. Marshall would not consider anything but Unconditional Surrender, knowing the Japanese would not give up Hirohito to the hangman, which didn't happen anyway. But this was always threatened, deliberately driving the Japanese to desperate acts to protect their god-leader. All well understood by the psychiatrists in FDR's gang. Even after Okinawa, Marshall said the desperate attempts at surrender were "premature." Going through the list of terrible battles in the Pacific while the Japanese were frantically attempting to end the war is mind-numbing.
- Marshall was taking his orders from Harry Hopkins, who has been revealed as Stalin's most important agent in the US. Stalin never declared war on the Japanese and wanted the fighting to continue so that he could occupy Manchuria when he was ready, and when the Japanese were no longer able to resist. He didn't declare war on Japan until the Hiroshima bomb was dropped. Marshall still wouldn't accept surrender until the second bomb was dropped on Nagasaki. The anticipated effects of atom bombing were too interesting to forego.
- Meanwhile, Hopkins had arranged for the transfer of the atom bomb plans and an entire bomb-manufacturing industry from Oak Ridge to Moscow via the airlift command at Great Falls, Montana (see Major George Racey Jordan's Diaries).
- There has to be greater understanding of the reasons behind the military partnership between the US and the Soviet Union from 1941 to 1945, when the New World Order was established. Soviet Communism was saved and then spread around the world, and this was the main purpose of FDR, which was why he desperately needed the Japanese to attack Pearl Harbor, because Hitler would not fall for his provocations in the Atlantic, as the Japanese did in the Pacific. But few Americans understand how revolting and outrageous were FDR's provocations against the Japanese, which reached a crescendo in his attempts to get them to attack. He and his psychiatrists knew that this was the only way Americans could be tricked into supporting another world war in twenty years.
- This is exactly what the Zionists behind Bush did when they came up with their "Project for a New American Century," in which they wrote that the American people would not support their aggression against Islam without a second Pearl Harbor. It is clear that they engineered the WTC attack, just as their uncles engineered the Hawaiian attack. Only the modern guys actually did the WTC because they couldn't take any chances on their stooges blowing it, as they did in '93.
- George Marshall forced Mao Tse-tung on the Chinese in 1949. He gave Ho Chi Minh the northern half of Indochina in1945. Millions of Chinese and Vietnamese and thousands of Americans perished as a result. But this was exactly what our government wanted, just as the carnage in the Middle East is exactly what is wanted now.
- How low will we go?
- --J B Campbell
Whitewashing Hiroshima - The Uncritical Glorification Of American Militarism By Gary G. Kohls 8-3-6
- Back in 1995, the Smithsonian Institute was preparing an honest but aggressive display dealing with the 50th anniversary of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Amid much right-wing reactionary wrangling, from various ultrapatriotic veterans groups all the way up to the Newt Gingrich/GOP-dominated Congress, the Smithsonian was forced to eliminate that painful but historically important part of the story the Japanese civilian perspective. So again we had another example of powerful politically conservative groups influencing public policy and messing with history because they didn't have the courage to face up to unpleasant historical truths.
- The historians did have a gun to their heads, of course, but in the mêlée, the media and therefore the public ignored a vital historical point. And that is this: The war would have ended soon without the atomic bombs, and thus there wouldn't have been a bloody American invasion of Japan. American intelligence, with the full knowledge of President Truman, was fully aware of Japan's desperate search for ways to honorably surrender weeks before the order was given for the Holocaust that was Hiroshima.
- American intelligence data, revealed in the 1980s, shows that a large-scale US invasion (planned for no sooner than November 1, 1945) would have been unnecessary. Japan was working on peace negotiations with the Allies through its Moscow ambassador in July of 1945. Truman knew of these developments, the US having broken the Japanese code years earlier, and all of Japan's military and diplomatic messages were being intercepted. On July 13, 1945, Foreign Minister Togo said: "Unconditional surrender (giving up all sovereignty) is the only obstacle to peace." Truman knew this, and the war could have ended by simply conceding a post-war figurehead position for the emperor a leader regarded as a deity in Japan. That concession was refused by the US, the Japanese continued negotiating for peace, and the bombs were dropped. And after the war, the emperor remained in place. So what were the real reasons for 1) the refusal to accept Japan's offer of surrender and 2) the decision to proceed with the bombings?
- Shortly after WWII, military analyst Hanson Baldwin wrote: "The Japanese, in a military sense, were in a hopeless strategic situation by the time the Potsdam demand for unconditional surrender was made on July 26, 1945." Admiral William Leahy, top military aide to President Truman, said in his war memoirs, I Was There: "It is my opinion that the use of this barbarous weapon at Hiroshima and Nagasaki was of no material assistance in our war against Japan. The Japanese were already defeated and ready to surrender because of the effective sea blockade and the successful bombing with conventional weapons. My own feeling is that in being the first to use it, we had adopted an ethical standard common to the barbarians of the Dark Ages." And General Dwight Eisenhower agreed.
- Truman proceeded with the plans to use the bombs, but he never officially ordered the Nagasaki bomb that followed Hiroshima only three days later. There are a number of factors that helped Truman make his decision.
- 1 The US had made a huge investment in time, mind and money ($2,000,000,000 in 1940 dollars) to produce the bombs, and there was no inclination and no guts to stop the momentum.
- 2 The US military as did its citizens had a bloodthirsty appetite for revenge because of Pearl Harbor. Mercy wasn't the mind-set of these professed Christians, and the missions were accomplished with glee.
- 3 The Nagasaki bomb was a plutonium bomb and Hiroshima's was uranium. Scientific curiosity certainly was a major factor for the mass slaughter of the Nagasaki community. The decision to use both bombs had obviously been made well in advance. The three day interval was unconscionably inadequate Japan being in shambles in its communications and transportation capabilities and besides, no one, not even the Japanese high command, fully understood what had happened at Hiroshima.
- 4 The Russians had proclaimed their intent to enter the war with Japan 90 days after V- Day, which would have been Aug. 8, two days after Hiroshima. Indeed, Russia did declare war on August 8 and was marching across Manchuria when Nagasaki was incinerated. The US didn't want Japan surrendering to anybody else, especially a future enemy, so the first nuclear "messages" of the infantile Cold War were sent. Russia indeed received less of the spoils of war, and the two superpowers were mired in mutual moral bankruptcy and economic near-bankruptcy for the rest of the century.
- An estimated 80,000 innocent civilians plus 20,000 young essentially weaponless Japanese conscripts died instantly in the Hiroshima bombing. Hundreds of thousands suffered agonizing burns, leukemia and infections for the rest of their shortened lives, and generations of the survivor's progeny inherited horrible radiation-induced illnesses, cancers and premature death. What has been covered up is the fact that 12 American Navy pilots, their existence well known to the US command, were incinerated in the Hiroshima jail on Aug. 6.
- The 75,000 Nagasaki victims were virtually all innocent civilians, except for the inhabitants of an allied POW camp near Nagasaki's ground zero. They were incinerated, carbonized, then evaporated, by a scientific experiment carried out by obedient, unaware soldiers. The War Dept. knew of the existence of the POWs but, when informed, simply replied: "Targets previously assigned for Centerboard (atomic bomb mission code name) remain unchanged."
- So the end of the war in the Pacific was just one more myth in a long list of myths Americans have been fed by our military and civilian leaders, war being glorified in the process. A short list of some of the others includes the censored-out military invasions of (and usually CIA-orchestrated atrocities in) Korea, Viet Nam, Laos, Cambodia, Granada, Panama, Iraq, the Philippines, Chile, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Guatemala, Haiti, Colombia, etc, etc. But somehow we still hang on to our shaky "my country right or wrong" patriotism, desperately wanting to believe that our nation only works for peace, justice and democracy and not mainly for capitalism. While it is true that the US military has faced down a few despots, with natural heroism and sacrifice from the dead and now dying American soldiers, more often than not our methods of rationalizing the atrocities of war are identical to those of the "godless communists" or "evil empire" on the other side of the battle line. August 6 and 9, 1945 are just two more examples of the brutalization of innocent civilians in "total war," whether it is called "regretful collateral damage" or "friendly fire."
- The time has come for Americans to stand up for real justice and peace (rather than the unaffordable "armed truces" we have all over the world) by acknowledging the whole truth of history and owning up to the numerous war crimes and crimes against humanity that have been perpetrated by American militarism in the last half-century. And then we need to start accepting the consequences of our leadership's actions, like the courageous and honorable people we claim to be. Doing what is right for the whole of humanity for a change, rather than just what is advantageous for us over-privileged Americans, would be real honor, real patriotism and an essential start toward real peace.
- MacArthur notified Roosevelt in January, '45, before FDR went to Yalta, that the Japanese were willing to surrender all Japanese forces on the sea, in the air, at home, on island possessions and in occupied countries, surrender of all arms and munitions, occupation of the Japanese homeland and island possessions by allied troops under American direction, relinquishment of Manchuria, Korea and Formosa as well as all territory seized during the war, turning over Japanese whom the US might designate as war criminals, release of all prisoners of war and internees in Japan and in areas under Japanese control. This was finally reported by Walter Trohan of the Chicago Tribune on August 19, 1945 (simultaneously in the Washington Times Herald). Trohan had promised his source in army intelligence that he would sit on it until the war was over.
- Obviously, Roosevelt ignored MacArthur's urgent report and what happened at Yalta revealed America's true nature as a Communist war criminal nation.
- After MacArthur returned from Korea in '51, Herbert Hoover took the Trohan article to his suite at the Waldorf Towers and asked him if it were true? MacArthur confirmed every detail.
- Now, this was before the battles of Iwo Jima and Okinawa and the huge loss of life on both sides. This was exactly what the US accepted eight months later. The problem was that our noble ally, Josef Stalin, wasn't ready to make his Manchurian land-grab yet. Every action our military was directed to make in Europe and in the Pacific was based on Stalin's post-war plans. The war was fought for a total Communist victory. Do you doubt this?
- The traits you mention were true for the Tojo-War Party men. But there was also a Peace Party that included Togo, the Foreign Minister and the Emperor himself. And, yes - the Japanese military did believe that Hirohito might be tried as a war criminal and hanged, such was the intense hatred of Japan created by our mainly Jewish propagandists in government and in Hollywood. The terms of Unconditional Surrender were deliberately kept vague and ominous by Roosevelt and Marshall because they wanted the war to go on as long as Stalin needed to get his troops into Manchuria. The fact that MacArthur himself chose to treat Hirohito honorably - against the vehement demands by American Jews and their brainwashed dupes that he be tried and executed - is seen by you in hindsight now. But that came as a total surprise to both Americans and Japanese after the war, all of whom expected him to be put on trial.
- There is no way to sugar-coat this. American war crimes were as ghastly then as they are now - more so, really. And all of it to create the Council on Foreign Relations' plan called the New World Order. This meant that much of the world would have to become Communist to exterminate normal, freedom-loving people and produce the world slave system. And this doesn't even touch what we did in Europe, during and after the war. But Japan had to be destroyed so that it would never threaten America's plan for reducing China to slavery under its stooge, Mao Tse-tung.
- The long-range purpose of this crime against humanity was what we have today: massive losses of American jobs and security and a total dependence on Chinese slave-made goods. The CFR's plans are coming to fruition with their announcement of their North American Union in 2010 - the merger of the US, Mexico and Canada with a CFR government over us all. This is all the result of the CFR's World War II, which was produced by their manipulation of the Japanese at Pearl Harbor and their nuclear annihilation three and a half years later. And yes, Japan tried to surrender a long time before the bombs were gratuitously dropped on them.
- JBC
- **********aloha.
2:55Added to queue
Alela Diane - The Pirate's Gospel
www.myspace.com/alelamusic Order album from www.fargostore.com Directed by Alexandre Saltiel Produced by Narcisse Films
6:51Added to queue
RAPALJE - Drunken Sailor
From Live DVD, Recorded at De Groene Engel, Oss. Video by D'Images. Sound by SoundBase. www.rapalje.com
- Permalink Reply by Ka'iulani on
- 'oia no! sent u an email today...should have my contact as well as my kupuna.
- Permalink Reply by Amelia Gora on
- Delete
- www.capitol.hawaii.govRELATING TO STATE RECOGNITION OF THE NATIVE HAWAIIAN PEOPLE, THEIR LANDS, ENTITLEMENTS, HEALTH, EDUCATION, WELFARE, HERITAGE, AND CULTURE.
THE SENATE
THE TWENTY-SIXTH LEGISLATUREREGULAR SESSION OF 2011COMMITTEE ON HAWAIIAN AFFAIRSSenator Brickwood Galuteria, ChairSenator Pohai Ryan, Vice ChairCOMMITTEE ON WATER, LAND, AND HOUSINGSenator Donovan M. Dela Cruz, ChairSenator Malama Solomon, Vice ChairNOTICE OF HEARINGDATE: Saturday, February 12, 2011 TIME: 10:00 a.m. PLACE: Conference Room 225
State Capitol
415 South Beretania StreetA G E N D ASB 1
Testimony
StatusRELATING TO STATE RECOGNITION OF THE NATIVE HAWAIIAN PEOPLE, THEIR LANDS, ENTITLEMENTS, HEALTH, EDUCATION, WELFARE, HERITAGE, AND CULTURE.
Provides for the recognition of the Native Hawaiian people by the State of Hawaii and implements that recognition by means and methods that will facilitate their self-governance, including the establishment of or the amendment to programs, entities, and other matters that relate, or affect ownership, possession, or use of lands by the Native Hawaiian people, and by further promoting their entitlements, health, education, welfare, heritage, and culture.
HWN/WLH, JDL/WAM SB 23
Testimony
StatusRELATING TO NATIVE HAWAIIANS.
Establishes an aha kiole advisory commission placed within the department of land and natural resources to serve in an advisory capacity to the governor and the legislature on all matters regarding the management of the State's land and natural resources.
WLH/HWN SB 609
Testimony
StatusRELATING TO THE KAHOOLAWE ISLAND RESERVE COMMISSION.
Reduces the number of members of the Kahoolawe Island Reserve Commission from seven to five. Requires certain members to be selected in consultation with native Hawaiian organizations. Requires 4-year wait before reappointments to the commission.
WLH/HWN SB 817
Testimony
StatusRELATING TO KAHOOLAWE ISLAND RESERVE.
Places Molokini island under the jurisdiction of the Kahoolawe island reserve commission. Requires the commission to adopt rules to permit fishing in the waters around Molokini island.
WLH/HWN, WAM SB 1154
Testimony
StatusRELATING TO HISTORIC PRESERVATION.
Establishes the south Kona wilderness area to be administered by the department of land and natural resources; provides for the development of a comprehensive management plan for the area.
WLH/HWN, WAM
Decision Making to follow, if time permits.FOR AMENDED HEARING NOTICES: If the notice is an amended notice, measures that have been deleted are stricken through and measures that have been added are underscored. If there is a measure that is both underscored and stricken through, that measure has been deleted from the agenda. Persons wishing to testify should submit testimony in one of the following ways by 4:00 p.m. the day prior to the hearing:- By Email: Testimony may be emailed if less than 5 pages in length, to the Committee at HWNTestimony@Capitol.hawaii.gov . Please indicate the measure, date and time of the hearing. Email sent to individual offices or any other Senate office will not be accepted.
- By Web: Testimony may be submitted online if less than 4MB in size, at http://www.capitol.hawaii.gov/emailtestimony.
- In person: 1 copy of their testimony to the committee clerk, Room 221, State Capitol.
- By fax: Testimony may be faxed if less than 5 pages in length, to the Senate Sergeant-At-Arms Office at 586-6659 or 1-800-586-6659 (toll free for neighbor islands), at least 24 hours prior to the hearing. When faxing, please indicate to which committee the testimony is being submitted and the date and time of the hearing.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MzdVYlXzMX4________________________________________Senator Donovan Dela CruzChair
________________________________________Senator Brickwood GaluteriaChair
2:35Added to queue
"Don't Stop Til u get enough!" - Chinese Guy VS ...
Chris Tucker steals the mike from a Chinese man whose rendition of "Don't Stop Til you get enough!" is appalling! Movie: Rush Hour 2
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